Category: 民主社会主义理论

原作者：Karl Kautsky

2. Marxism and the “Dictatorship of the Proletariat”

2，马克思主义和“无产阶级专政”

There was nothing that Marx feared so much as the degeneration of his school into a rigid sect The same fear was entertained by Engels, whose scientific work is indissolubly linked with that of his friend Marx, so that we always keep in mind both Marx and Engels whenever we speak of the Marxist theory.

1，马克思最害怕的是他的学派退化为一种僵化的教派。恩格斯也有相同的恐慌，他的科学工作与他的朋友马克思有着不可分割的联系，所以我们经常会在说起马克思理论的时候同时提到马克思和恩格斯。

The worst reproach that Engels could make against the first English Marxists was that they were applying Marxism in a sectarian spirit What would he have said, had he lived to see it about a school of Marxists, who, having captured the state power proceeded to make a state religion, of Marxism, a religion whose articles of faith and their interpretation are watched over by the government, a religion, the criticism of which, nay the slightest deviation from which is sternly punished by the State; a Marxism ruling by the methods of the Spanish Inquisition, propagated by fire and sword, practicing a theatrical ritual (as illustrated by the embalmed body of Lenin); a Marxism reduced to the status not only of a state religion but of a medieval or oriental faith? Such a Marxism may indeed be called doctrinaire fanaticism.

2，恩格斯对英国的马克思主义者们的最严厉的斥责是：他们把马克思主义当成了一种宗教，他看到马克思主义者的一个流派夺取了政权之后把马克思主义当成了国家宗教，一种主张信仰的宗教，同时对这一宗教的解释被政府所监控，而任何对这种宗教的批判，即使是最轻微的批评都会招致国家的最严厉的惩罚；一种马克思主义的通过西班牙宗教裁判所模式进行的统治，通过火与剑传播教义，实践一种戏剧化的仪式（例如对列宁尸体的防腐处理）；一种蜕变为不仅是国家宗教而且还是中世纪或东方信仰的马克思主义？这样的马克思主义被叫做狂热的教条更为合适。（备注：这一段考茨基批评有些马克思主义者把马克思主义当成宗教。）

To Marx there was no ultimate knowledge, only an infinite process of learning. Therefore, his own theory is not to be conceive as a collection of tenets which we must accept on faith. Marxism itself is nothing but a definite process of learning; founded upon a definite method introduced by Marx and Engels. This method itself, which Marx and Engels called the materialist conception of history, is not unalterable. It is constantly being improved, like a machine, through continued gain in experience accumulated in its application. The principles underlying a given method of intellectual activity often do not change as rapidly as do the results of that activity. The views of people under the influence of constantly changing experiences tend to change more easily than do the methods and forms o f thought by which they are attained. Both however, are regarded as in constant process of development. Even the materialistic conception of history did not, like Athena, spring fully armed from the head of its procreator; as a matter of fact it had two such procreators. These two were constantly developing it throughout their lives and to the Marxists bequeathed the task of continuing the process.

3，对于马克思来说，没有什么终极知识（宇宙真理），只有不断的学习。因此，他自己的理论并不是被构想来成为一堆我们必须信仰的戒律的。马克思主义本身只是一种确定的学习进程；由马克思和恩格斯在确定的模式上建立。这种模式被马克思和恩格斯称作对历史的唯物主义描述，这并不是不可修改的。它经常被改进，就像一台机器，持续不断的在运用中积累经验。依赖一种被给出的智力活动模式的原则并不会像这种活动的结果一样经常改变。在经常改变的经验下，人们的观点比起他们所接受的思想方法和形式更容易改变。然而，这两者都被发展的进程所决定。即使是对历史的唯物主义描述也无法向雅典娜一样从它的生育者的脑中弹出全副武装；事实上它有两个生育者。（备注：这句话是说，唯物主义本身是马克思和恩格斯首先提出的，但是并不是提出之后就已经是完全体了。）他们两个在他们的生活中经常发展这一理论，对于马克思主义者来说，他们遗留下了继续发展理论的任务。

To know and understand the line of this development is of the highest importance to every Marxist as well as to any one who wishes to make a critical study of Marx, prompted by a sincere desire for knowledge, and not by the motives of the trickster lawyer who seeks to obtain a conviction of his opponent’s client at any cost.

4，知道和理解发展的脉络对于每个马克思主义者来说都是最重要的，对于任何想要对马克思进行批判性学习的人来说也是最重要的。前提是这些人是被对知识的渴望所驱使的而不是像一个狡猾的想要不惜代价的维持对他的对手的定罪的律师。

Every form of doctrinaire fanaticism, every attempt to turn Marxism into an unalterable dogma is contrary to Marxist thought, which recognizes no absolute truth but only relative truth. This is not scepticism, which denies the very possibility of absolute perception of the world, but only a recognition of the limitations of our perception. All the truths which we recognize are not truths in themselves, independent of time and places but truths only as far as we are concerned, valid only for us, for our time, for the space in which we live. Every such truth must govern our actions until more advanced perception has exposed and removed the bit of error residing in the previously accepted truth.

5，任何形式的狂热教条，任何想要把马克思主义变成无法被修改的教条的努力，都与马克思主义者的思考相反，马克思主义者认识到没有绝对真理，只有相对真理。这并不是怀疑论，怀疑论否认我们有绝对感知这世界的可能性，只是我们承认我们的感知是有限制的。所有我们认识到的真理实际上不是他们自己的独立于时间和空间的真理，而是只是我们所考虑的，对于我们是可行的，在我们生活的时间和空间中的真理。每个这样的真理必须统治我们的行动，直到更先进的感知出现，并纠正在之前接受的真理中的错误。

Quite early in his career Marx realized, and in this he proved superior to other Socialists of his day, that the liberation of the working class could be achieved only by the working class itself, that no paternalistic friend from the bourgeoisie, no select proletarian vanguard could accomplish this task for the masses. But like other Socialists he had to admit that the masses were not yet ripe for the struggle. How was this ripeness to be achieved? Through well meaning tutors from above? Grown-up people will not submit to the guardianship of tutors. Where this attempt is made either by Christians or by atheists, it usually degenerates into a loathsome, priestly presumptuousness on the part of the tutor and a hypocritical submission of the tutored.

6，马克思在他的事业早期就意识到工人阶级的解放只能通过他们自己实现，无法通过资产阶级的家长式的朋友们实现，也无法通过选定的无产阶级先锋队实现，这是他超越了同时期其他社会主义者们的地方。但是像其他社会主义者一样，他不得不承认大众还没有成熟得适合斗争。那么大众如何才能变得成熟呢？通过导师们的教导？成长起来的人民将不会服从导师们的指令。无论这一努力是基督徒做的还是非信神者做的，通常会蜕变得令人做呕，他们会像祭司一样自以为是，而被教导者们虚伪的服从他们。

Grown-ups can be taught by life alone. Marx expected the education of the working class to come from life, that is to say, he expected it to come from capitalist development and its effect upon the workers. Marx pointed this out already in the Communist Manifesto. Industry draws the workers together in large numbers and thereby increases their class consciousness. At the same time that conflicts with the employers grow, trade unions develop. The extension of the conflicts to all industry transforms the occasional local clashes into a class struggle. This class struggle becomes political, finding expression in political changes. But the working class was not strong enough to overcome the forces tending toward the pauperization of the masses, which was the predominant feature of capitalism everywhere. The Communist Manifesto had yet to prove the absolute impoverishment of the industrial proletariat.

7，人民可以在生活的教导中成长。马克思期望对于工人阶级的教育来自生活，也就是说，他期望教育来自资本主义的发展和资本主义对工人的影响。马克思早就在共产党宣言中指出这一点了。工厂把工人们大量聚集在了一起，同时增加了他们的阶级意识。与此同时，冲突也伴随着雇员的成长和独立工会的发展而发生了。冲突扩展到了所有工厂，将偶发的冲突转变为阶级斗争。这一阶级斗争变得政治化，表达了对政治变革的要求。但是工人阶级并没有足够强大到克服试图将大众变得贫困的力量，而这是所有地方的资本主义统治的特征。共产党宣言证明了工业化的无产阶级会陷入绝对贫困中。

“The modern worker, instead of improving his condition with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper under the circumstances affecting his own class. The worker becomes a pauper and pauperism develops even faster than population and wealth.”

8，“现代化的工人，不仅在工业进步中提升他的处境，而且深刻的思考了影响他所在的阶级的形势。工人成为了贫民，而贫困速度比人口和财富的增长速度更快。”

Under such conditions, whence could come that moral and intellectual advancement which alone could make possible the self-liberation of the working class?

9，在这样的处境下，什么时候工人阶级才能拥有足够的道德和知识的成长以解放自己呢？

Marx expected it to come as a result of revolution, the advent of which he correctly foresaw. He had studied the French Revolution. It bore at the beginning a purely bourgeois character but grew more and more radical and finally led to the rule, only for a short time, to be sure, of the working class. The revolution developed enormously not only the political courage but also the political understanding of the masses of the people, until then inert and ignorant. Opposed as Marx already was at the time of the Communist Manifesto to the policy of plots and coups des mains preached by the Blanquists, he was still strongly influenced by their Jacobin traditions. In the first months of 1850, in his articles on The Class Struggles in France, published in 1895 by Engels in pamphlet form, he regarded the Blanquists as properly the workers’ party of France. They, above all others, held his sympathies.

10，马克思期待着革命，而他也成功预见了革命的到来。他研究了法国大革命。法国大革命起源于纯粹的资产阶级的怒火，但是成长得越来越激进，最终实现了短期的工人阶级的统治。这一革命不仅极大的发展了政治信心，而且发展了政治上的对人民大众的理解，直到之后变得懒惰和无知。与马克思在共产党宣言中提出的政策相反的是布朗基主义者的宣讲，但马克思还是被他们的雅各宾传统在很大程度上影响了。在1850年的第一个月里，在他的《法国的阶级斗争》这一文章中（这篇文章在1895年由恩格斯以小册子的形式出版），他将布朗基主义者形容为法国的合适的工人阶级政党。他们，以及其他所有人，被他所同情。

In 1847 Marx assumed that the forthcoming revolution would run the same course as did the Great Revolution but with a working class “much further advanced” by the growth of large industries. The revolution was to last long enough to lift the working class quickly to the necessary mental level. Hence “the German bourgeois revolution could serve only as a direct prelude to a proletarian revolution.”

11，在1847年马克思假设未来会发生的革命会和大革命有相同的模式，但拥有一个因为大工业的发展而“更先进”的工人阶级。这一革命会持续很久以至于足够将工人阶级举入必须的心理级别中。因此“德国的资产阶级革命只会成为无产阶级革命的序幕”。

This expectation was not realized. The force of the German revolution of 1848 spent itself within a few months and the working class as an independent factor played no part in it. What happened then was the same thing that was to happen to Marx often enough later. He correctly foresaw the direction in which events were moving but h misjudged the rate at which they were moving.

12，这一期待并没有成为现实。1848年德国革命的力量只坚持了几个月，而工人阶级并没有参与进去。在此之后发生的和迟些在马克思身上发生的是同一回事。他正确的预见到了事件进展方向，但误判了进展速度。

Yet none learned so readily from experience as did Marx, even when the experience ran counter to his innermost wishes. Already in September 1850 he came out against the view that “we must strive to gain power immediately” and declared that the workers might have to go through “15, 20, 30 years of civil strife and foreign wars in order to change not only conditions but to change yourselves, to qualify yourselves for rulership.”

13，没有人像马克思一样这么容易的从经验中学习，即使这经验与他内心中的期望相反。在1850年9月，他反对认为“我们必须努力以尽快获取权力”的观点，宣称工人们必须经历“15，20，30年的公民辩论和对外战争以改变处境和改变你们自己，从而给你们自己统治的资格”。

This sounded quite different from the expectation that the coming bourgeois revolution would be the “direct prelude to a proletarian revolution.” Yet, even this new, more prudent hope proved too sanguine. Since it was first uttered not only 15, 20, 30 years but 80 years have passed. To be sure, these have not been years of stagnation, The strides made by the working class toward the achievement of political independence and skill during the intervening period have been enormous.

14，这听起来和认为资产阶级革命会“直接成为无产阶级革命的序幕”的期待非常不同。事实上，即使这个新的希望也被证明过于乐观了。不仅仅是15，20，30年，80年过去了。可以确定的是，这些年工人阶级并没有停滞，工人阶级努力实现的迈向政治独立的进步和干预诉讼的技巧有了很大提升。

Though Marx in 1850 rose superior to the majority of his communist comrades who at the time were still dreaming of the immediate seizure of political power by the proletariat, he had not yet fully rid himself of his old Jacobin-Blanquist traditions. In armed struggle, in “civil strife and foreign wars” he still saw the means of lifting the proletariat to a higher level. He had not yet realized that every bloody struggle, including a popular war, inspiring and uplifting as it may appear at the beginning, in the long run demoralizes its participants, and, far from increasing, actually reduces their capacity for constructive effort in the field of production as well as in political life.

15，虽然马克思在1850年超越了大部分共产主义战友，他们当时还梦想着无产阶级直接夺得政权，他并没有完全从雅各宾-布朗基传统中解脱出来。在武装斗争中，在“公民斗争和外部战争”他始终希望这些能将无产阶级推向一个更高层次。他还没有意识到，任何血腥斗争，包括大型战争，在一开始也许会有鼓舞和推动作用，但长期来看，参与者会堕落，最终会降低他们在生产和政治生活中建设的能力。

During the decade following 1850, Marx had opportunity to study the laws underlying commodity production in England, namely its capitalist form, and expounded them more clearly than had been done by any student before him. But he also perceived the opportunity for effective action by the English working class under the democratic political institutions prevailing in England. He saw that under such freedom it was possible for the proletariat to overcome the tendency under capitalism to absolute impoverishment of the workers. In his Inaugural Address (1864) as well as in Capital (1867) he welcomed the salutary results of the ten-hour work-day, as an improvement over the longer hours prevailing in English factories and plants. Of course, this did not blind him to the fact that the propertied classes in England were able to show an amazing gam in wealth and power, while at the same time the absolute pauperization of those proletarian groups which were not protected either by state laws or by strong trade unions advanced still further, and that among those protected by the law the improvement in conditions lagged behind the increase in the wealth of capital, so that their position became relatively if not absolutely worse.

16，在1850年之后的时间里，马克思有机会研究了英国商品生产的规律，命名为资本主义模式，然后比他之前的任何研究者们都更清晰的描述了这一规律。但是他也察觉到了英国工人阶级在民主政治机构下进行有效行动的机会和优势。他看到在这样的自由下无产阶级有可能克服资本主义下工人陷入绝对贫困的趋势。在他的《就职演说》（1864）和《资本论》（1867）中他对十小时工作制的有益结果表示欢迎，因为这是一种在英国的工厂和农场中发生的改进。当然，他没有被蒙蔽，他清楚的认识到事实上英国的资产阶级展示了令人惊讶的众多财富和权力，同时被绝对贫困化了的无产阶级团体们没有被政府法律保护，也没有成立强大的独立工会，而被法律保护的那些人，他们处境的改善滞后于资本的增长，因此他们的处境变得相当糟糕，如果不是绝对糟糕。

Nevertheless, the proof was furnished that under conditions of adequate freedom the workers could by their own efforts lift themselves to a high enough level to be able finally to achieve political power not through “civil strife and foreign wars” but through the class struggle waged by their political and economic mass organizations. The condition prerequisite for such a struggle is an adequate measure of political freedom. Where this is lacking, where it has yet to be won, “civil strife and foreign wars” may be necessary to achieve democracy as essential to the rise of the working class. Where democracy exists, ` it is not necessary for the working class to resort to armed, force as a means of attaining power.

17，无论如何，这证明了工人们在充足的自由下可以在他们自己的努力下将自己提升到一个足够高的水准从而最终得到政治权力，这不是通过“公民斗争和外部战争”而实现的，而是通过在政治和经济上的大规模组织的阶级斗争而实现的。实现这一斗争的条件是拥有充足的政治自由。当缺乏政治自由时，当政治自由还需要被赢取时，“公民斗争和外部战争”对于实现民主这一关键性的帮助工人阶级崛起的元素也许是必须的。当民主存在时，对于工人阶级来说没有必要再组织武装力量以夺取政权了。

Here is what Marx said in 1872 at a public meeting in Amsterdam following the Congress of the International at the Hague (as reported by the Leipziger Volkstaat of October 2,1872)

18，这是马克思在1872年的时候在一场在阿姆斯特丹举行的会议上的发言，同时这一会议被海牙的国际代表大会所参与（Leipziger Volkstaat 在1872年10月2日报道了这一会议）。

“The worker must some day achieve political power, in order to found the new organization of labor; he must overthrow the old political machine upon which the old institutions are based, if, like the old Christians, who neglected and despised such matters, he does not wish to renounce the kingdom of this world.

19，”工人必须在未来获取政权，这是为了建立一个新的工人组织；他必须抛弃旧的政治机器，旧的政府机构，就像那些老基督徒一样忽视和鄙视这些，但他不会希望放弃这个世界的王国。”

“But we do not maintain that the means of attaining this objective are everywhere the same.

20，“但是我们并不会在每个地方都试图实现这一目标。”

“We know that we must take into consideration the institutions, the habits and the customs of different regions, arid we do not deny that there are countries like America, England and – if I knew your institutions better I would perhaps add Holland – where the workers can attain their objective by peaceful means. But such is not the case in all other countries.”

21，“我们知道我们必须深入考虑这些机构，以及不同地区的习俗和传统，我们不否认像美国，英国和——如果我更了解你们的机构我也许会加上荷兰——这些地方工人们可以和平实现他们的目标。但这并不适用于其他所有国家。”

By “other countries” Marx evidently meant first of all, the great centralized police and military states of continental Europe as they existed at that time. On April 12, 1871, in a letter to Kugelman at the time of the Paris Commune, Marx pointed out that the objective in next attempt of revolution in France would be “no longer as heretofore to effect a change of hands of the bureaucratic military apparatus, but to demolish it, and that is the prerequisite for every true popular revolution on the continent.”

22，马克思所说的“其他国家”指的是那些欧洲大陆上的拥有被中央控制的的警察和军队的国家，这些国家那时是存在的。在1871年4月12日，在一封写给巴黎公社的Kugelman的信中，马克思指出在法国的革命的下一个目标是“不再像从前一样去影响官僚化的军事机器，而是去消灭它，这是每个在大陆上发生的大众革命所必须去做的。”

It was not granted to Marx to witness a third phase of the labor movement, besides the two indicated by him, and which was already shaping itself about the time of his death. The “civil strife and foreign wars” of 1789-1871 were not sufficient to destroy the bureaucratic-military apparatus of the continental powers, but their effects were nevertheless strong enough to wrest from these powers a certain measure of freedom for the toiling masses, which enabled them to acquire not only great political skill but also to build strong trade unions and proletarian parties. Unfortunately, this new phase was characterized by great obstacles at the beginning. In prance the revolution of September 4, 1870, was followed by the bloody suppression of the Commune in May 1871, and thereafter by a period of dark reaction and oppression of the proletariat which lasted almost until Marx’s death. In Austria after 1866 came an era of liberalism which, however, did not last long. Nor did the liberal era that set in in Germany after 1866 prove of long duration. It ended with the anti-Socialist law of Bismarck.

23，马克思没有保证能看到工人运动的第三阶段，包括他指出的这两个阶段，在他死的时候已经改变形态了。在1789-1871发生的“公民斗争和外部战争”并没有显著的毁灭大陆政权的官僚化的军事机器，但是这些斗争多多少少的逼迫这些政权做出让步，劳苦大众们得到了更多自由，这使得他们不仅获得了政治技巧，而且建立了强大的独立工会和无产阶级政党。不幸的是，这一新的进展在一开始就被当作大型障碍。在1870年9月4日爆发的大型革命，在1871年5月公社就被血腥镇压了，在此之后黑暗行动和对无产阶级的压迫持续到了马克思去世。在奥地利，1866年之后进入了一个自由主义的新时代，然而这并没有长期持续。1866年之后德国的自由时代也没能持续下去，而是以俾斯麦的反社会主义法律终结。

Marx thus had little opportunity to observe the effects of democracy on the development of labor in the military bureaucratic countries of continental Europe.

24，因此马克思几乎没有机会去观察在欧洲大陆上的军事官僚国家中的民主对劳工发展的影响。

Engels survived his great friend. He lived to witness the abolition of the Exception Laws in Austria, the rescinding of the Anti-Socialist Law in Germany, the beginning of the rapid growth of the labor movement all over Europe. He was thus in a position to sum up the results of this particular phase of development for Marxism. He did this in his famous introduction to Marx’s Class Struggles in France.

25，恩格斯比他的朋友活得更久。他活着看到了奥地利的排除者法案的取消，德国的反社会主义法律的废除，在整个欧洲的工人运动开始飞速发展。因此他总结了在这一阶段中的成果，发展了马克思主义。他在他著名的对马克思的《法国的阶级斗争》中介绍了这些。

Marx had never believed in the possibility of bringing about a revolution at will. Therein he differed already in his early works from the Blanquists. But as long as there was no political freedom for the proletariat, he was compelled to wish ardently for the speediest possible coming of the revolution, first as a democratic bourgeois revolution, which would bring the necessary political freedom. During the fifties and sixties he eagerly looked for signs of the coming revolution arising either from war or civil conflicts.

26，马克思从不相信革命能够被有意的带来。这是他在早期著作中就展现出的与布朗基主义者的不同之处。但是只要无产阶级们还没有政治自由，他就被迫希望革命能够尽快到来，从资产阶级民主革命开始，这一革命能带来必须的政治自由。在19世纪50年代和60年代时，他热切的寻找革命到来的迹象，无论是战争还是公民冲突。

But now the situation was quite different. Engels, too, saw the coming of the revolution, but he hoped it might be postponed. And he feared new wars. They might bring on the revolution but they threatened to ruin the working class, the only revolutionary class that still existed. They might destroy the revolution and impair the ability of the working class to utilize it, for what was expected from the revolution was that it would bring not merely political freedom, but power itself.

27，但是现在局势不同了。恩格斯也看到了革命的到来，但是他希望革命被推迟。他也害怕新的战争。他们也许会带来革命，但他们更会威胁并毁灭工人阶级，而工人阶级是唯一存在的革命性的阶级了。他们也许会毁灭革命，削弱工人阶级联合的能力，而革命中被期望带来的也许不是政治自由，而是权力本身。

The expression “dictatorship of the proletariat” has been widely used in the past by many who are obviously confused as to its meaning. Most people assume that it connotes a political aim the meaning of which is self-evident and requires no explanation. Unfortunately this is not so.

28，“无产阶级专政”这一表述在过去被许多人广泛使用，但他们并不知道它的意义。大部分人假设它意味着一个不言而喻的政治目标，而且不需要解释。不幸的是事实并非如此。

The expression comes from Marx. In 1875, in his Critique of the Gotha Program, he wrote:

29，这一表述来自于马克思。在1875年，在他的《哥达计划批判》中，他写道：

“Between the capitalist and Communist society lies the period of change of one into the other. This corresponds to a political transition period in which the state can be nothing else than a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.”

30，“在资本主义社会和共产主义社会之间，有一个将一个转变为另一个的中间阶段。这对应一个政治改变阶段，这一阶段中政府只能是革命无产阶级专政的。”

Unfortunately, Marx failed to elucidate the momentous expression. He used it in a private letter to the executive committee of the Eisenach party, assuming the committee would understand what the dictatorship of the proletariat was without further comment. That this expression in no way signified either repudiation of democracy for absolute power in the state is quite clear from the one fact alone that in the very same letter Marx characterized the democratic republic as the form of government in which “the class struggle is to be fought out,” saying:

31，不幸的是，马克思没能对这一重要表述进行解释。他在一封寄给爱森纳赫党的执行委员会的私人信件中用了这一表述，假设这一委员会能够在没有后续内容的情况下理解到底什么是无产阶级的专政。这一表述从来没有表示说要拒绝民主建立极权，因为事实清晰显示马克思在同一封信中明确表示民主共和国这一政府形式是“阶级斗争的目标”，他说：

“Freedom consists in the transformation of the state from an organ dominant over society into an organ subordinate to society. And today, too, the various existing forms of state are free or not free in the measure in which they circumscribe the freedom of the state.”

32，“在政权转变的过程中，自由由主宰社会的器官变为社会的附属器官。在今天，这些多种多样的存在的政府形式，无论是自由的还是不自由的，他们都限制了国家的自由。”（备注：从这段内容来看，实际上考茨基也有点强行解释了，因为马克思并没有明确表示支持政治民主，但可以肯定的是马克思不支持极权独裁，因为极权独裁无论怎样都是不可能有自由的。）

Engels, at a later date, spoke in like manner. In 1891, the executive committee of the German Social Democratic Party, having formulated the draft of a new program, submitted it to him for his opinion. Engels expressed his criticism in a long monograph (published in the Neue Zeit, Vol.XX). Among other things he wrote:

33，恩格斯在之后的日子里以类似的方式说话。在1891年，德国社会民主党的执行委员会起草了一份关于新计划的草案，然后交给恩格斯。恩格斯以专著的形式表述了他的批评（在Neue Zeit上发表）。他写道：

“If anything is certain it is that our party and the working class can triumph only under the form of the democratic republic. This is precisely the specific form of the dictatorship of the proletariat.”

34，“可以确定的是，我们的政党和工人阶级只能在民主共和国的形式下赢取胜利。这是对于无产阶级专政的特定形式的精确解释。”

And, indeed it was the democratic parliamentary republic that Engels had in mind, for he added that under all circumstances the program must include “the demand for the concentration of all political power in the hands of a representative assembly of the people.” (Underscored by Engels himself.)

35，很显然恩格斯脑中的是民主代议制共和国，他补充说在所有情况下革命计划必须包括“专注于要求所有政治权力都被代表性的人民议会所控制。”（恩格斯自己强调的）

Even Rosa Luxemburg, who was close to the Bolsheviks and fought so insistently for the dictatorship of the proletariat, held to the end of her days to the conviction that such a dictatorship must be founded upon a democracy. In The Russian Revolution she wrote:

36，甚至罗莎卢森堡，她与布尔什维克靠的很近，并且为了尽快实现无产阶级专政而战，在她的生命终结之前的日子里也后悔了，认为这样一种专政必须在民主的基础上建立。在《俄国革命》中她写道：

“To be sure, every democratic institution has its ‘faults and limitations, which it has in common with all human institutions. But the remedy discovered by Lenin and Trotsky, the abolition of democracy, is worse than the evil it is supposed to cure, for it shuts off the lifespring from which can come the cure for all the inadequacies of social institutions.”

37，“可以确定的是，每个民主的机构都有失败和限制之处，就像所有人类组成的机构一样。但是列宁和托洛茨基发现的补救措施是抛弃民主，这比他们想要治愈的那个恶魔还要糟糕，因为这关闭了诞生对所有的社会机构的不足之处的治愈手段的生命之泉。”

The idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat proclaimed by Marx and Engels does not therefore constitute in any way a repudiation of the idea of democracy. On the contrary, it goes hand in hand with the demand for the abolition of the bureaucratic-military state apparatus and not the strengthening of its absolute power.

38，无产阶级专政这一被马克思和恩格斯宣称的思想并不是要抛弃民主。相反的是，它要求终结官僚化的军事政权机器，而不是增强它们的绝对权力。

In 1891 Engels concluded his preface to the new edition of Marx’s Civil War in France with the following words：

39，在1891年恩格斯在马克思的《法国内战》的新版本中总结了他的序言：

“The German philistines have of late again fallen into wholesome fear of the expression ‘dictatorship of the proletariat.’ Very well, gentlemen, do you wish to know what this dictatorship looks like? Look at the Paris Commune. That was the dictatorship of the proletariat.”

40，“德国的庸俗之人们又陷入了对‘无产阶级专政’这一表述的恐惧中了。很好，绅士们，你们想知道这种专政是怎样的吗？看看巴黎公社吧。那就是无产阶级专政。”

But Marx characterized the Paris Commune of 1871 as an attempt “no longer, as heretofore, to transfer the bureaucratic-military machine from one hand to another, but to destroy it, and this was the prerequisite for every true revolution of the people on the comment.” (Letter to Kugelman. )

41，但是马克思将1871年的巴黎公社描述为一种尝试：“不再是将官僚化的军事机器从一个人的手中转移到另一个人手中，而是毁灭它，而这是所有真正的人民革命的先决条件。”（给Kugelman的信）

The destruction of this type of state machine was, in truth, the only thing the Paris Commune undertook to achieve. It did not live long enough to embark upon any Socialist measures.

42，将这种国家机器毁灭是巴黎公社唯一实现的承诺。它没能存在得足够长久以搭建其他社会主义的措施。

The maintenance of a strong bureaucratic-military state machine constitutes, however, the prerequisite of any dictatorship as a political order. Its destruction signifies complete anarchy or complete democracy, but never dictatorship. For Marx and Engels the all important aim in the destruction of the centralized state apparatus was solely the establishment of democracy.

43，然而，对一个强大的官僚化的国家机器的维持，是构成任何政治独裁所必须的。它的毁灭意味着完全的无政府或完全的民主，但不会是独裁。对于马克思和恩格斯来说，所有重要的毁灭这一中心化的国家机器的目标都是为了建立民主。

Marx and Engels never explained why they characterized this condition as a “dictatorship,” although it was to spring from democracy. I assume they used the expression to denote a strong government.

44，马克思和恩格斯从来没有解释过为什么他们把这种状态叫做“专政”，虽然这是民主的源泉。我的假设是他们用这种表述形容一个强大的政府。

Karl Marx was not the only one to speak of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This idea is much older than Marxism. It represents the oldest, most primitive form of a revolutionary Socialism which sought to emancipate the working people from exploitation and slavery not through peaceful socialistic settlements, colonies or mutual aid associations (another form of primitive Socialism) but by means of forcible seizure of power. This idea is related to the Jacobin reign of terror in the French Revolution.

45，卡尔马克思不是唯一一个提出无产阶级专政的。这一思想比起马克思主义早很多。最古老的，原始的革命社会主义用它表达这种思想：工人阶级的解放无法通过建立和平的社会主义定居点，殖民地或互助组织（另一种原始社会主义形式）实现，只能通过夺取政权实现。这一思想和雅各宾派在法国大革命中的恐怖统治是相关联的。

It was François (“Gracchus”) Babeuf who after the overthrow of Robespierre sought to rally the remnants of the Montagards to combat the rising capitalist regime and to supplant it with a socialism of “crude levelling” (Marx). He organized “The Conspiracy of the Equals,” which set before itself the task of overthrowing the capitalist government by means of an uprising of the propertyless and putting a Communist regime in its place. Such a regime was to bring about complete democracy, but not immediately. Experience had shown that the workers permitted themselves to be led by the nose by men of property and education.

46，François (“Gracchus”) Babeuf 在抛弃罗伯斯庇尔之后寻求和山里人的残余联盟以与正在崛起的资本主义政权作战，取代以一种“水准粗野”（马克思）的社会主义。他组织了“平等的阴谋”，这一组织的任务是通过无产者的起义以推翻资本主义政府，然后建立一个共产主义政权。这样一个政权会带来完全民主，但不是马上带来。经验表明工人们允许他们自己被拥有财产和教育的人所领导。

The conspirators feared that through democracy the poor, ignorant people would once more fall victim to these influences. For this reason a dictatorship was to be established by means of a popular revolution. Freedom of the press was to be abolished, and no publications were to be tolerated “which contradicted the sacred principles of equality and the sovereignty of the people,” the steering committee, of course, being empowered to determine what was in contradiction with these principles. There were to be popular elections, but only after equality had been thoroughly established.

47，这些阴谋家们害怕穷困无知的人民会通过民主成为这些影响的受害者。因此一种专政需要通过大众革命被建立起来。出版自由会被剥夺，没有“威胁到平等与人民主权原则”的出版物被容忍，当然，领导委员会，会被赋予决定什么是与这些原则相冲突的权力。会有大众选举，但是只能在平等被广泛建立之后进行。（备注：考茨基说他们是阴谋家，我非常认同，因为他们的诉求很明显是自己当独裁者，他们嘴里的平等不过是骗人用的。）

This was intended to be a dictatorship for “the transition period between the capitalist and Communist society.” It was to be a proletarian dictatorship, but not the dictatorship of the proletariat, since the proletariat was as yet too ignorant and unable to defend its own interests. It was to be a dictatorship of “little fathers” and spokesmen of the proletariat. The recently coined expression “an educational dictatorship” (Erziehungsdikatur) characterizes well this form of government.

48，这将会成为一种在“将资本主义社会转变为共产主义社会的中间阶段”中的专政。这是对无产阶级的专政，但不是无产阶级专政，因为无产阶级此时还太无知以至于无法维护他们自己的利益。这是一种“小父亲”的和无产阶级代言人的专政。最近创造出的“一种教育专政”的表述（Erziehungsdikatur）很好的表述了这种政府形式。

The dictatorship of Babeuf was not designed to be a political state emanating from democracy, the offspring of an adequate high level of working class development, but a form of government which, in view of the backwardness of the proletariat, would seek at all costs to defend the interests of the workers, ruthlessly and in the most extreme manner possible. It emanated from the conviction that democracy as a means of emancipation of the workers must fail because the proletariat itself had failed, because it was incapable of emancipating itself.

49，Babeuf 的专政并不是要设计一个民主的政权，也不是充分的高级别的发展工人阶级，而是一种认为无产阶级是落后的，会不惜代价的维护工人的利益，无情的以及态度极端的政府形式。它展示了这样一种信念：为了解放工人们的民主必然失败，因为无产阶级自身就是失败的，他们没有解放自己的能力。（备注：很显然这是一种素质论，当然现在已经有足够事实打脸这种白痴观点了。）

The “Conspiracy of Equals” was uncovered and Babeuf was executed (1797). But his conception of the dictatorship of spokesmen of the proletariat as the sole instrument for the realization of Socialism did not die with him. It was the product of certain specific conditions. Capitalist production left the masses of the working people no escape from their misery other than a transition to a Socialist mode of production. Only the power of the state could cope with capital. But under the rule of capital the proletariat found itself immersed in such misery that it lacked the capacity to achieve and to hold political power.

50，“平等的阴谋”最终暴露了，而Babeuf 也被处决了（1797）。但是他的这种无产阶级代言人专政，以及把无产阶级当成纯粹的实现社会主义的工具的思想并没有随着他的死亡而死亡。它是特定场景的结果。资本主义的生产模式导致大量工人无法逃离苦难，除非转变为社会主义的生产模式。只有政府的力量才能对抗资本。但是在资本的统治下，无产阶级们发现他们自己陷入了一种悲哀中，他们缺乏夺取并维持政权的能力。

Wherever such conditions have existed and an opportunity arose, or appeared to exist, for the overthrow of the prevailing regime by insurrection, the idea of such a dictatorship made itself manifest, taking its root from the backwardness and helplessness of the working masses, not from any high degree of the proletariat’s intellectual and moral power and independence.

51，无论这样的情形是否存在，机会是否围绕或存在，因为它主张通过起义推翻占据优势的政权，这样一个专政思想变得明确，在那些落后的和无力帮助自己的工人大众中扎根，而不是从更高级的无产阶级的知识和道德力量中独立而来。

When the labor movement began to develop in France after the revolution of July 1830, the workers turned to the same problem of how to put an immediate end to their misery. Most of them agreed that they had nothing to expect from the bourgeoisie. They wanted to bring about Socialism immediately, by means of their own efforts.

52，当1830年7月发生革命之后，工人运动开始在法国发展起来，这些工人们面对同一个问题：如何立刻终结他们的苦难。绝大多数人认为他们无法对资产阶级有任何期待。他们想要立刻实现社会主义，通过他们自己的努力实现。

The July revolution stimulated in the workers of Paris the belief in the power of the barricade. This led to a revival of Babeuf’s idea in Blanquism.

53，在掩体的威力下，七月革命激发了巴黎工人们的信念。这导致了布朗基主义中的对Babeuf的思想的复兴。

But not all Socialists were Blanquistically inclined. Some affiliated themselves with Louis Blanc, who believed fervently in the democratic republic. Were not the poor and disinherited a great majority of the nation? All that was necessary was to provide them with universal, free and equal suffrage, a sovereign parliament and complete freedom of press and organization, and no power in the state could stem their march to Socialism. Louis Blanc failed to perceive, however, that this achievement required a highly developed proletariat, for the development of which there had been little impetus before 1848.

54，但并不是所有社会主义者都向布朗基主义那样倾向于Babeuf思想。一些人从属于Louis Blanc，他们热情的相信着民主共和。那些穷人和被剥夺继承权的人难道不是国家中的主流吗？给他们提供普选权，全民议会，完全的出版和组织自由是非常必要的，没有任何政府中的权力能够阻止他们实现社会主义的努力。 Louis Blanc没有察觉到的是要实现这些是需要高度发展的无产阶级的，而在1848之前几乎没有足够的发展力量。

Proudhon was opposed to both these tendencies. He perceived that under the then existing conditions the proletariat could not achieve victory through democracy, but he feared no less the dictatorship of a Socialist minority ruling through an all-powerful state apparatus. He, too, considered the proletariat as he found it, rather than as it might become. He regarded it as incapable of influencing the policy of the state and to master it, and yet he felt that the emancipation of the workers could be accomplished only by the workers themselves. To make this possible he sought to simplify the problem. The workers, he argued, could not pursue an independent state policy of their own; on the other hand, they could master the problem of the individual communities. He thus sought to arrive at Socialism by dissolution of the state into a network of sovereign communities.

55，普鲁东同时反对这两种流派。他察觉到在现有的处境下无产阶级无法通过民主实现胜利，但他对少数社会主义者通过一架强力的国家机器进行独裁统治也感到害怕。他也将无产阶级当成好像是他建立的而不是本来就有的。他认为无产阶级不适合影响国家政策，更不适合掌握政权，但同时他感觉到工人们的解放只能通过工人自己实现。为了将这一切变为可能，他简化了问题。他争论说工人们无法独自推行一个独立的国家政策；另一方面，他们能够在解决社区内的问题。因此，他寻求一个不要政府，而要被人民控制的主权社区形成的网络的社会主义。（备注：也就是无政府主义，而普鲁东是个著名的无政府主义者。）

These in brief, were the various tendencies dominant among Socialists when Marx began to think as a Socialist. He had never been in doubt as to the hopelessness of bourgeois-philanthropic utopianism. The only Socialism he took seriously was the Socialism emanating from the labor movement. Very soon, however, he saw also the inadequacy of the three tendencies outlined above. He perceived this inadequacy in the fact that the adherents of each of these tendencies sought to bring about Socialism with the proletariat as they found it a task that was obviously unrealizable.

56，简单来说，当马克思像社会主义者一样思考的时候，社会主义者之间有许多不同的流派。他从来没有怀疑过资产阶级慈善家的乌托邦主义是多么没有希望。他唯一严肃思考过的社会主义是来自工人运动的社会主义。然而，很快他也看到上面提到的三种流派的不足之处。他察觉到这种不足实际上来自于他们的信徒们试图把无产阶级当成他们建立的，这一任务很显然是无法实现的。

The utopians and Blanquists likewise realized the inability of the proletariat to bring about Socialism. They saw the need of educating the proletariat to this task, but this education was to be undertaken by leaders superior to and standing above the proletariat. Only with the realization of Socialism would it became possible for the working people to rise to a higher level of development, and thus learn how to govern themselves democratically. The expression “true democracy is possible only under complete Socialism” is not a new revelation but primitive pre-Marxian conception.

57，乌托邦主义者们和布朗基主义者们意识到了无产阶级缺乏带来社会主义的能力。他们看到为了完成这一任务，对无产阶级的教育是很有必要的，但他们认为这种教育应该被站在无产阶级之上的领导人完成。只有他们有了社会主义觉悟，工人们才会有可能进行更高级别的发展，从而学会如何民主的治理他们自己。“真正的民主只有在完全的社会主义下才有可能”这一表述并不是新的启示，而是在马克思之前的原始概念。

Marx discerned the weakness of this form of education of the proletariat by educators self-appointed to the role of Fuehrers, or lifted to dominance and absolute power over itself by an ignorant proletariat through insurrection or in some other way. This would mean making the emancipation of the workers dependent upon historical accidents, quite improbable accidents. For, as a general rule, it was not to be expected that a few Socialist conspirators, supported by a weak, ignorant proletariat, could attain that absolute power necessary for the expropriation of capital, to say nothing of coping with the difficulties of Socialist construction.

58，马克思看清了这一由自封的教育者们充当领导者的角色对无产阶级进行教育的模式的弱点，或者一个无知的无产阶级通过起义或其他方式主宰并取得绝对权力。这意味着工人们的解放依赖于历史的偶然事件，不可能的偶然事件。一个通行的规律是，无法期待几个社会主义阴谋家通过软弱无知的无产阶级的支持而取得没收资本所需要的绝对权力，然后完全不说如何应对社会主义建设面临的困难。

Marx perceived that the education required by the proletariat could be made secure not through abnormal circumstances but only as it developed from a phenomenon characteristic of all capitalist states, a phenomenon inexorable in its force and powerful in its effects. This phenomenon was the class contradiction between capital and labor, the class struggle arising inevitably from this contradiction. This class struggle was an incontrovertible fact, regardless of its characterization by liberals and fascists as a Marxian “invention. “

59，马克思察觉到了无产阶级所需要的教育不仅能在不正常的情况下进行，而且能在所有资本主义国家中作为一种现象发展，一种在力量上残酷的和影响上有力的现象。这种现象是资本家和工人之间的阶级矛盾，阶级斗争必将从这种矛盾中崛起。阶级斗争是一种不容置疑的事实，不管那些自由主义者们和法西斯主义者们如何把这种事实描述成马克思的“发明”。（备注：无论是右派还是极右派，或者说任何不承认阶级斗争切实存在的人，总是会把阶级斗争说成马克思的“发明”，考茨基时代如此，现在还是如此。）

Marx did not invent it. He did not demand it. He merely registered its existence and pointed out its inherent, inescapable consequences. And, as one of those consequences he emphasized the education of the proletariat to democracy and Socialism, which cannot prosper without democracy.

60，马克思没有发明阶级斗争。他也没有要求阶级斗争。他仅仅是指出了阶级斗争的存在，以及指出阶级斗争是固有的， 并且会产生不可避免的结果。作为其中一种结果，他强调了要教育无产阶级走向民主和社会主义，以及社会主义无法在没有民主的情况下实现。

Marx in 1872 divided the countries of Europe into two groups. In one – essentially Anglo-Saxon – it seemed possible that the working class would attain power without violence. In the other group Marx included most of the countries of the continent where the attainment of power without a revolution appeared impossible.

61，马克思在1872年将欧洲国家分为两组。一组——关键成员为盎格鲁—撒克逊国家——看起来工人阶级可以通过非暴力方式获取政权。马克思的另一组包括了大部分在大陆上的欧洲国家，在这些国家中不通过革命获取政权看起来是不可能的。（备注：马克思的年代是没有非暴力革命的，非暴力革命在二战后才出现。）

After the rescinding of the Anti-Socialist Law in Germany there came into view a third sub-division. As heretofore it still appeared impossible for the proletariat in the military countries of the continent to come into power without a revolution. But in most of these countries it was now highly desirable to postpone the decisive clash with the state as long as possible. In Russia, on the other hand, it was most imperative that the uprising of the people against the absolutist regime should take place as soon as possible.

62，在德国的反社会主义法律被废除后，出现了一种第三方的分支视野。从过去来看对于大陆上的军国主义国家的无产阶级来说在不革命的情况下获取政权还是不可能的。但是对于这些国家中的大部分，对推迟与政权的冲突的呼声很高。另一方面，在俄国，人民反抗极权的起义应该会尽快发生。

We find, therefore, in the Second International, founded in 1889, whose period covered this new phase of development, three well defined currents. They are geographically distinct and spring from the different types of government prevailing on the continent. Each of them represents an adaptation to conditions, and from a Marxist point of view each was fully justified. Each of them could and did exist alongside the others, but not without some friction.

63，因此，我们发现，在1889年建立的第二国际中，这一期间涵盖了这一新的发展阶段，包括三个被完好定义的趋势。他们是地理上的区分和大陆上不同类型的政府的优势的源泉。他们中的每一个都代表了对局势的适应，以及在马克思主义的观察角度下每个都是完全有道理的。他们中的每一个都能以及切实与其他几个共存，而不会出现摩擦。

The human mind craves absolute solutions. It is against its nature to contend with relativities. And so, in each of the three above-mentioned divisions, there were many Socialists who regarded the particular stand on the question of revolution which was suited to their own countries as something that had an absolute validity, independent of space and time. This was enhanced by the brisk international intercourse which made it possible for ideas to circulate even faster than commodities. Born of the three views representing the different sub-divisions, all of which were reconcilable with Marxism, came three factions which opposed one another not only within the International but in some of the separate countries as well.

64，人类的思维渴望一个绝对的解决方案。与对比关系竞争和它的天性相反。所以，在上面提到的三个不同的维度中，许多社会主义者表现出了对革命问题的特别爱好，这与他们自身所在的国家相适应，就像有独立于时间和空间的绝对可行性一样。这被快速的国际间往来所增强了，思想的流通甚至可能比商品流通的速度都快。从这三种观点中诞生出了不同的分支视野，所以这些都与马克思主义兼容，同时出现了三种相互反对的派别，不仅在国际中出现，而且在一些分裂的国家中也出现了。

Nevertheless, from year to year the Socialist parties grew in size, in unity and in intellectual power.

65，多多少少的，社会主义政党随着时间过去慢慢在规模上，团结上和知识力量上都成长了。

https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch02.htm

原作者：Karl Kautsky（卡尔考茨基，社会民主主义创始人之一）

          1. The Origin of Socialism

             1，社会主义的起源

What is it that divides the Social Democrats from the Communists? Like the Socialists, they are a working class party. The emancipation of the workers is their common aim.

1，将社会民主主义者和共产主义者（备注：这里的共产主义者，包括下文中的共产主义，都是特指主张先锋队独裁的列宁教主派）区分开来的是什么？就像社会主义者一样，他们都是工人阶级政党。解放工人是他们共同的目标。

There was a time when both had a common theoretical basis. But later a gulf developed between them, which cannot be bridged, however much we may desire and consider this necessary. This gulf arises neither from a misunderstanding nor from a mere difference of opinion.

2，曾经社会民主主义者和共产主义者们都有相同的理论基础。但是之后他们之间产生了隔阂，这隔阂无法被消除，然而这是我们所渴望以及认为很有必要的。这一隔阂并不是因为误解产生，也不只是观点不同。

To realize how absolutely irreconcilable are Communism and Socialism, we must first look into the history of the origin of Socialism. It springs from two roots, one ethical and the other economic. The first emanates from the natural instinct of man, the second from the nature of capitalist society and the position of the workers as a class.

3，为了认识到社会主义和共产主义之间是如何不可调和，我们必须要看看社会主义诞生的历史。社会主义的源泉来自两个方面：道德和经济。道德来自于人类本性，而经济则来自于资本主义社会的本质和工人作为阶级的位置。

The demand “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” advanced by the men of the French Revolution antedates all written history. It reflects the desire of all oppressed, exploited and their friends ever since there have been oppression and exploitation. But this demand merely poses a problem. It does not indicate the road to its solution. What this road should be has been variously conceived, depending upon varied social conditions and the classes who have sought to find it. Only under the capitalist mode of production has the solution of this problem, through the establishment of a democratic social economy of the workers, become possible and necessary. Only through economic research, not through ethical indignation, can this solution be achieved. Certainly it can never be achieved by mere impassioned desire for what, since 1789, has been termed “liberty, equality, fraternity.”

4，法国大革命中的人们要求“自由，平等，博爱”，这早于所有历史记载。这反映了所有被压迫和被剥削的人们和他们的朋友们的渴望，自从这世界有了压迫和剥削开始。但是这一要求也指出了一个问题：它没有指出解决方案。关于解决方案应该是怎样的产生了很多构想，构想本身取决于构想者的不同的社会处境和阶级。只有在资本主义的生产模式下这一问题才有解决方案，而建立一个民主的工人控制的社会经济模式是可能的和必要的（备注：这句话的意思是市场本身是有必要存在的，而公司需要民主的被工人们所控制。）。只有通过经济研究而不是道德愤怒，这一解决方案才能实现。显然这无法通过仅仅充满激情的从1789年开始的对“自由，平等，博爱”的渴望而实现。

All socialist thinkers were rebels against any kind of enslavement and exploitation. But they were also research workers in the domain of economics.

5，所有社会主义思想者都是对任何形式的奴役和剥削的反抗者。但是他们同时也是在经济领域工作的研究者。

The revolt-provoking study of the mass impoverishment generated by capitalist industry gave birth to socialist ideas. It was precisely this impoverishment, however, which by its very frightfulness so held the workers down, that they were frequently rendered incapable of resistance. Whenever some few did revolt, they knew nothing better to do than to destroy machines and burn factories. By such outbursts of indignation they succeeded only in multiplying their own misery.

6，对在资本主义工业中产生的大规模贫困的反抗的令人深省的研究中诞生了社会主义思想。然而，恰恰就是这些吓人的将工人们压制在底层的贫困，是无法被抵抗的。当其中少数人开始反抗时，他们除了砸烂机器和烧毁工厂之外其他什么都不做。这些出于愤怒的爆发最终只是成功的加深了他们的苦难。（备注：这句话的背景是卢德运动，卢德运动因为机器的使用导致工人失业而起）

The early socialists, therefore believed that the working class could not emancipate itself by its own efforts. It was to be emancipated through the efforts of humanitarians, superior to the workers. It soon became clear, however, that little was to be expected from the statesmen and millionaires of the bourgeois world. Side by side with the utopians who relied upon the well meaning bourgeoisie were socialists who perceived that the power necessary for the realization of socialism could come only from the working class itself. But they, too, despaired of the masses. They addressed themselves to the small group of the elite among the working class, those enjoying more favorable conditions than the average worker. Together with professional revolutionists they were to enter into a conspiracy to capture political power, and bring about socialism by means of armed revolt. Finally, there were socialists who, permitting themselves to be deceived by the prospects aroused by the early labor movements, overestimated the numbers and intellectual power of the workers of their period and believed that the working class needed only to bring about democracy, namely, the universal franchise, in order to win immediately the power of government and transform society in line with their desires.

7，因此，早期的社会主义者们认为工人阶级是无法通过自己的努力解放自己的。只有通过那些人道主义者们的努力，那些高过工人们的人，才能解放工人。（备注：这里指那些空想社会主义者）然而，很快事实就清晰的表明那些资产阶级世界的政府官僚和百万富翁们是无法指望的。和那些试图依赖资产阶级的良知的乌托邦主义者们并列的是那些认为社会主义只能通过工人阶级们的努力实现的社会主义者。但是他们也对大众绝望。他们把他们自己称作工人阶级中的小部分先锋，他们比工人们的平均处境要好一些。他们和专业革命者一起进入了一个夺取政治权力的阴谋中，将社会主义带入了武装暴动中。最终，这些承认他们自己被早期劳工运动的激昂前景所欺骗从而高估了工人们的数量和知识的社会主义者们相信工人阶级只是在带来民主，另一个名称是普选权的过程中有用，这是为了能成功夺取政权然后将社会改造成他们所渴望的模样。

All these schools, however they appeared to differ from each other, had this common characteristic: they looked upon the working class as they found it, and sought a means for the immediate “solution of the social question,” i.e. for the immediate abolition of the misery and enslavement of the working class. Every one of these schools criticized severly the other socialists, each perceiving clearly the illusions of the others. Each was right and all succumbed to the criticism of time, which wrecked every one of them.

8，然而，所有这些派别，虽然他们表现的和其他派别不同，但他们有一点是相同的：他们高高在上的俯视者工人阶级，好像工人阶级是他们建立的似的，然后谋求一个能够即时“解决社会问题的办法”，例如立刻终结工人阶级的苦难和奴役。每个在这些派别中的人都会对其他社会主义者严厉批判，每个人都认为对方是在幻想。每个人都是正确的，都屈服于批判，那么他们中间的每个人都会毁灭。（备注：这句话应该是考茨基的讽刺，讽刺他们都认为自己是正确的别人是错误的，但如果他们同时都正确，那么他们中的每个人都不正确。）

Then came Marx and Engels who introduced the idea of development into socialist thought, and perceived the working class not only as it was but also as it was becoming. In their Communist Manifesto they realized that the working class had not yet advanced far enough to achieve immediately its own emancipation and, further, that this could not be achieved through the universal franchise, the efforts of the well-meaning portion of the bourgeoisie, or by the armed action of an advanced guard of energetic conspirators. At the same time they also perceived that through the development of industry the working class would grow in numbers and organization, while gaining constantly in intellectual and moral power. In this way labor would achieve the power to emancipate itself. To be sure it would have to be educated to this. But this education, as Marx and Engels realized, could not be brought about by men who proclaimed themselves .the schoolmasters of the workers, but through the experience of the class struggle, forced upon the wage earners, by the conditions under which, they lived.

9，然后，马克思和恩格斯向社会主义思想中添加了发展的理念，同时觉察出了工人阶级不仅是工人阶级，而且工人阶级也会发生改变。在他们的共产党宣言中，他们意识到工人阶级现在还没有足够先进到直接完成对他们自己的解放，以及这一目标无法通过普选权实现，也无法通过资产阶级发善心实现或者通过有能量的阴谋家们的武装行动实现。同时他们也觉察到随着工业的发展，工人阶级在数量和组织上都会增长，同时得到更多的知识和道德力量。在这一过程中，劳工们将会得到足以实现自我解放的力量。但要实现这一点，他们必须被教育。但是这一教育，就像马克思和恩格斯所意识到的，无法被那些宣称他们自己的人所带来（备注：这里指那些自称自己是工人先锋的人）。劳工们的老师是阶级斗争中的经验，被强加“打工仔”身份的人从他们的生活环境中学习。

The-more the class struggle proceeds in a democratic environment, all other things being equal, i.e. in an environment of universal education, freedom of press and organization and of universal suffrage, the greater its educational influence. Long before the instruments of democracy become the means for acquisition of power by the workers, they constituted the means of its education in the task not only of how to attain power but also of how to keep it and apply it successfully in the building of a higher social order.

10，阶级斗争在民主环境下持续的越久，其他事情也会变得平等，例如在一个实现普遍免费教育，出版自由，组织自由，普选权的环境中，教育的影响就会越来越大。在民主这一工具成为工人获得力量的渠道之前，构成教育的内容不仅是如何获取权力，而且还有如何维持权力以及如何成功建立一个更好的社会秩序。

As Marx and Engels saw it, the task for Socialists was not to bring about the immediate solution of “the social question” and the realization of socialism, but, first, to support the workers in the class struggle, to help it understand the nature of capitalist society, its power relationships and processes of production, and promote the organization of Labor.

11，就像马克思和恩格斯所看到的，社会主义者的任务不是带来一个对于“社会问题”的即时解决方案或社会主义觉悟，而是首先在阶级斗争中支持工人，并帮助他们理解资本主义社会的本质，资本主义社会中的权力关系和生产进程，以及推进劳工组织。（备注：这里隐藏了一个前提：政治民主，因为在极权独裁下独裁政权会压制一切阶级斗争运动，以及破坏独立组织。所以在极权独裁下，社会主义者的首要任务是推翻独裁建立民主，当然这其中阶级斗争会成为一种重要的辅助力量。）

Proceeding from this point of view, Marx and Engels sought to bring about the union of all elements participating in the class struggle for the liberation of the working class into a strong mass party. Before their arrival upon the scene, each of the various socialist leaders and thinkers had put forward their own distinct method for the solution of the social question and opposed all other socialists who would follow other methods. So it had come about that socialism had served only to divide the working class. Marx and Engels tried to unite it, not to add a Marxian sect to those already in the field.

12，在这一观点上，马克思和恩格斯更进一步，去寻求将所有参与阶级斗争的元素联合起来以形成一个解放工人的大型政党。在他们带来这一切之前，每个不同的社会主义领导人和思想者将他们自己的方案当成解决社会问题的方案，同时反对任何追随其他方案的社会主义者们。结果就是，社会主义只起到了分裂工人阶级的作用。马克思和恩格斯试图去联合社会主义，而不是在这里面添加一个马克思主义派别。

We find emphasis of this already in the Communist Manifesto (1847). Speaking to their adherents, who called themselves communists, Marx and Engels said:

13，我们看到这一重点早就在共产党宣言（1847）中了，对那些自称共产主义着的信徒们，马克思和恩格斯说：

“The communists do not constitute a separate party, distinct from other working class parties.”

14，“共产主义者们不会去组成一个和其他工人阶级政党所分离的政党。”

They demanded only that their adherents within the working class parties strive to develop “in advance of the rest of the masses of the proletariat an understanding of the conditions, the process and the general consequences of the movement of the proletariat.”

15，他们要求他们的信徒们在工人阶级政党内努力发展“帮助多数无产阶级们理解他们的处境，以及无产阶级运动的进展和普遍成果。”

Their actions were in line with this idea, as for example in the First International, which had very few Marxists but plenty of Proudhonists and, later, also Blanquists as well as British trade unionists, who knew little of socialism.

16，他们的行动在这一思想的范围内，例如在第一国际中，马克思主义者很少而普鲁东主义者（备注：普鲁东是无政府主义者）很多，此后布朗基主义者（备注：布朗基是巴黎公社议会主席）也加入了，英国的工团主义者们也加入了，而他们几乎不了解社会主义。（备注：工团主义是无政府主义的分支之一）

Marx and Engels understood well how to bring about a firm union between the world of socialist ideas and the labor movement. All truly working class parties of our time, which have arisen since the final quarter of the last century to take the place of preceding seas, rest upon this union. As working class parties they fight for the interests of the working class; as Socialist parties they wage the class struggle as a means of emancipation of all the oppressed and exploited, not of the wage earners alone.

17，马克思和恩格斯对于如何联合这世界上的社会主义思想和劳工运动有着很清晰的理解。所有真正的工人阶级政党，那些在19世纪的最后四分之一时间里崛起的政党，都在这一联盟下联合起来了。作为工人阶级政党，他们为了工人阶级的利益而战；作为社会主义政党，他们将阶级斗争的目标变为为了所有被压迫和被剥削的人民的解放而战，而不仅仅是为了打工仔。

The Socialist parties fight not only for shorter working hours and higher wages, unemployment insurance and shop councils, but also for the liberty, equality, fraternity of all human beings, regardless of race, color or creed.

18，社会主义政党不仅只为了缩短工时，提高工资，失业保险和商店议会而战，而是为了所有人类的自由，平等，和博爱而战，无论他们的种族（备注：从种族和肤色并列来看，这里的种族应当指的是民族），肤色或信仰是什么。

Such Socialist parties are bringing about the realization of Marxist ideas even when they themselves are not conscious of them. Every place where the capitalist mode of production exists, with few exceptions, they have been irresistibly on the march since the end of the last century.

19，这样的社会主义政党带来了对马克思主义思想的认识，即使他们自己并没有意识到这一点。每一个资本主义生产模式存在的地方，几乎毫无例外的，他们从19世纪末开始在斗争中变得势不可挡。

原始链接：https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch01.htm

从历史和现实来看，这世界上总统制国家有很多蜕变为个人独裁的例子，例如菲律宾，例如正在蜕变中的美国，例如土耳其，例如俄国，例如匈牙利，例如委内瑞拉……，那么为什么总统制容易蜕变为个人独裁呢？

这要从现代民主制度的两大分支说起。

现代民主制度的两大分支为：总统制和议会制，其中：

总统制：民选议会掌握立法权，民选总统掌握行政权，独立的法院系统掌握司法权；

议会制：民选议会掌握立法权和行政权，总理为议会授权的执行人（本身无实权），独立的法院系统掌握司法权；

警察系统虽然也是司法系统的一部分，但并不独立，而是受政府控制。

可以看到，总统制和议会制最大的区别是总统制下行政权由民选总统一人掌握，而议会制下行政权由民选议会掌握。

关键就在这里：民选总统虽然是民选的，但上台之后总统就拥有独裁的行政权（例如更换高级政府官员，签署行政命令等），等于说总统想要如何行政并不受人民直接控制；而且总统只有一个，一个人就很容易通过演说等手段造神，煽动其支持者支持其扩权，从而破坏分权，开启通往极权独裁之路。（当然这招要奏效，同时也需要民众配合造神，所以说找救世主文化是民主的敌人，例如基督教，例如中国传统明君文化。）

而议会制下，行政权由民选议会民主掌握，总理并无实权，避免了总统制下“独裁行政权”的问题；民选议员之间代表不同的利益阶级，相互制衡，极难共同推出某一人造神（总理没有实权，造神也没用），从而大大降低了造神风险（但不是完全消除，还是需要民众不配合造神才能防止民主制度被破坏）。

最后，我认为未来中国民主政府，采用议会制最合适，同时配合联邦制与比例代表制。

我知道有不少左派都寄希望于计划经济，而且把苏联和共匪在计划经济上的失败归咎于没有实现工人民主。不过，我想说的是，就算是实现了工人民主，计划经济依旧在大部分领域是不可行的。

理由很简单：无论是极权政府还是民主的工人议会，都面临同样的问题：如何具体确定人民的需求数据。我举个例子，有不少人喜欢吃鸡，假设每个人一顿要吃半只鸡（其实这已经是不符合现实的假设了，有人能吃掉一只鸡，有人能吃掉四分之一只鸡，而且不同的鸡的大小也不同），那么如何确定总共需要的鸡的只数呢？

做问卷调查？先不说调查本身要花费多少资源，准确率如何，就算做了，吃鸡这一需求本身也是随时变动的，也就是说调查得到的本身就是个过时的结果，即时需求根本无法被准确得知，那么也根本无法制定出相应计划。

不过呢，有人也想到一个办法：先下订单，然后再准备鸡。对不起，手机等一些产品还有这么做的余地（但还是无法满足那些马上想要手机的人的需求），鸡？打算要人民等几个月还是几年啊？什么，你说事先把鸡养好？那事先你又如何得知人民需要多少只鸡呢？

此时有人会说：事先无法确定就算了，先提供，如果不够再补充，如果鸡太多了就想办法处理掉一些嘛。问题是，这一点市场做得更好啊！靠巨大的官僚机器养鸡，明摆着比不过市场啊！

关键问题出在官僚机器并不靠养鸡赚钱，比起养鸡他们有其他太多捞钱途径，就算工人民主，在一家独大的情况下也会变得店大欺客，而计划经济恰好把人民的选择锁死了。所以计划经济在市场的进攻之下必然会败下阵来，这并非偶然。但也不是所有行业都是计划必然不如市场，这点后面会说明。

有一点需要明确的是，市场的问题并非是交易行为本身一定是奴役压迫，问题在于交易本身有信息对称的交易，有信息不对称的交易；有干净的交易，也有肮脏的交易；有不伤害别人的交易，有伤害别人的交易；有自愿的交易，也有非自愿的交易。

信息对称的，干净的，不伤害别人的，自愿的交易，没问题的，而且还会促进财富的增加；信息不对称的，肮脏的，伤害别人的，非自愿的交易，问题太大了，而且很多时候都会减少财富（例如环境污染，例如为了利益最大化不惜毁灭几亿吨食物）。

但市场本身才不管交易是否有问题，对于市场来说任何交易都是市场的一部分，无论是否是自由市场。所以说，市场本身并不会像右派们宣传的一样有所谓的“自净能力”，否则这世界上的公司们胡做非为的时候，怎么没有一个名为市场的超人冲出来阻止呢？哈哈哈哈。

众所周知，资本主义逻辑是利益至上，也就是金钱至上，那么自然会出现为了利益最大化而出现肮脏交易（例如官商勾结），利用信息不对称去欺诈别人（例如垃圾培训机构欺骗穷学生），无下限的伤害别人（例如环境污染），非自愿交易（例如富士康的学生奴工，黑砖窑），更重要的是，极权独裁的公司制下，老板们独断专行，以私人产权和商业机密的名义把公司变成黑箱，然后独占利润的老板们就会为了独占更多利润而胡做非为了。而这一切当然是不能指望靠不存在的市场超人前去阻止的。

那么靠什么前去阻止呢？法律？独立工会维权？记者揭露？内部吹哨人？嗯，这些都是办法，但这些办法的本质是出事之后进行救火，而且记者揭露和内部吹哨人更多依赖个人良知，而个人面对组织化的公司本就是非常无力的，公司们有的是方法让个人闭嘴（这一点同时也说明了为什么小政府的实质是由着公司们胡做非为的政府，如果政府只满足于当所谓的守夜人，那么被公司侵害的个人和有良知的个人面对高度组织化的公司必然是弱势，那么公司就能轻易维持侵害。你不偏向弱势，就是偏向强势）。

那么，根本解决办法是什么呢？答案是：经济民主。员工们成立民主议会进行决策（小公司可以不用议会，直接全员工民主投票决策，例如决定利润如何分配），职业经理人和高管可以继续存在，但他们的决定必须经过民主议会通过才有效力。民主议会可以授予一些专业人士权力，但也可随时收回。同时，公司具体运营状况公开，日常工作管理制度公开，每个人的具体工资公开（这点可以讨论，不过工资数据本身是交税所必须的，无论如何工资水平对于本公司员工应该是公开的）。你说商业机密？对不起，不存在这种东西的，知识本就应该属于所有人，虽说原创者收钱无可厚非，但即使是原创者也无权长期垄断知识本身，不过给原创者一些额外奖励还是应该的，这点需要具体情况具体讨论。无论如何，公开透明只有在经济民主的前提下才能真正实现，因为独裁老板能做的小动作实在太多了。

经济民主了，公司公开透明了，肮脏交易和非自愿交易自然没有了存在空间。但信息不对称的问题并不能得到根本解决，因为有些行业的高度专业性决定了信息必然不对称，例如医疗，公开了普通人还是看不懂。那么如果放入市场，普通人还是会因为信息不对称成为当肥肉的一方，更重要的是医疗是基本人权，是政府必须捍卫的，教育也是同样道理。还有住房，因为土地本身的不可流动性，交给市场必然会出现垄断，化石能源也是如此。

没错，教育医疗住房能源（养老是直接给养老金，不算行业）这几个行业，就是计划优于市场的。当然，必须是以民主为前提的计划。其中，教育医疗和住房也欢迎私人提供(我主张成人教育也主要由政府提供)，但私人属于补充，民选议会的计划才是主导。还有城市的公共交通系统和管线系统，多个竞争者反倒会造成不必要的冗余，民选市政府事先进行计划评估才是更好的选择。

那么对于失业者呢？政府提供资源帮助失业者再就业（例如就业技能培训），或者帮助失业者成立新的民主公司。当然，在新的制度下，民主公司们也会有做大的（当然，反垄断法还是有必要存在的）有维持不变的有因为作出脑残决策或运气不好而破产的，但和独裁公司制不同的是，民主公司中谁作出脑残决策谁为决策后果负责，而独裁公司制下老板们总是会通过裁员或压低工资等手段把脑残决策造成的后果转嫁到员工身上。

至于欺诈？首先禁止精准投放广告这种既践踏隐私权又践踏言论自由的罪恶，同时立法把那些在广告中虚假宣传的人渣公司罚到内裤都不剩（无论这种广告是以什么形式做的，只要有一句宣传不符合一个消费者所经历的实际情况，那么这个公司就等着内裤都不剩吧）。不过民主公司一般也不会出现这种破事了，因为民主公司无法像独裁公司一样上面少数层层逼迫下面多数为了业绩不择手段。

最后说下饥饿营销，饥饿营销的实质是通过铺天盖地的洗脑式宣传制造出虚假的需求（没错，经济学上经常使用的理性人假设实际上是不符合事实的，很多情况下消费者的消费行为都并非理性选择，而是洗脑下的盲目跟风或处于被单独游说恐吓的情况下的不经思考的决定），实际上造成了资源的严重浪费，所以我的看法是法律上应禁止饥饿营销行为（不过饥饿营销一般伴随夸大虚假宣传，禁止虚假宣传就能让饥饿营销喝上一壶了），以及禁止广告垄断（即禁止某个公司的广告霸占广告市场，具体标准需要讨论）。