Category: 民主社会主义理论

马克思的理论直到今日，都有着大批追随者，而社会民主主义也是基于对马克思的劳动价值论和剩余价值论以及阶级斗争理论的基础之上的。但马克思毕竟是19世纪的理论家，其理论受到19世纪的客观环境限制，放到今日来看自然有很多不足了。

要我这个社会民主主义者说马克思的理论最大的不足之处在哪里，当然是马克思没能明确表达对政治民主的支持了。尽管马克思认为议会民主和新闻自由有利于无产阶级的抗争和最终获取权力，但马克思并没有明确说明无产阶级夺取权力之后的政府应当是怎样的，这导致列宁用原创的先锋队独裁理论钻了空子。后来，社会民主主义的创始人之一的卡尔考茨基明确提出社会主义必须在民主的基础上建立，修补了这一缺陷。

此外，马克思的历史决定论也是错误的，古中国就是反例，封建制很早就被皇权专制取代了。此外更有台湾原住民等一直没能建立文明（这里的文明是历史学中的中性名词，文明三要素：城市，政府，阶级）的族群存在。关于各地文明发展之间的差别，贾雷德戴蒙得的《枪炮，病菌与钢铁：人类社会的命运》中有详细论述。(修正：马克思实际上明确指出了他的模型只适用于西欧国家：…metamorphose my outline of the genesis of capitalism in western Europe into a historico-philosophical theory of the general course, fatally imposed upon all peoples, …But I beg his pardon. He does me too much honor and too much shame at the same time.https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/ni/vol01/no04/marx.htm，但后人滥用了其模型。但人类文明史是一直贯穿着不断的阶级斗争的，这是对所有文明都成立的。）

还有就是，马克思过于重视经济因素，认为资本主义全球化会导致国界的消失与无产阶级的联合，但事实并非如此。关于这一缺陷，葛兰西提出了文化霸权理论，认为资本主义通过制造文化霸权以获得大多数人的支持从而维持统治。

简单来说，资本主义制造的文化霸权由两类理论组成：一类是直接为资本主义洗地的理论，例如否定阶级斗争鼓吹老板和员工之间是自愿交易的奥地利芝加哥学派新自由主义理论，鼓吹财富来自“勤劳”“节俭”等“新教伦理”和“资本主义精神”的马克思韦伯的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》等类似的保守主义纳粹理论，还有就是马尔萨斯和斯宾塞的丛林哲学垃圾。

还有一类理论是用来制造内斗分裂被压迫阶级的，例如爱国主义，民族主义，种族主义，军国主义，对女性的压迫，以及对LGBTQ性少数群体的歧视压迫理论，很多时候这类理论是以一神教的教条的形式展现出来的，也就是说，一神教的信徒很容易为了支持其教条而选择那些实际上是代表压迫者的政党，例如美国红州的穷基督徒为了自己的信仰而支持主张给富人减税削减福利的共和党。

其他一些左派们（例如罗莎卢森堡（支持女权），卡尔李卜克内西（批判军国主义），托洛茨基（支持堕胎和LGBTQ平权），卡尔考茨基(反对种族主义)，奥古斯特倍倍尔（最早公开主张性少数平权的社会主义者）等）逐渐意识到了这些文化霸权，并将平权加入社会主义价值观内。

马克思对资本主义对生态环境的破坏问题也缺少关注，实际上当时的资本主义已经很明显的在破坏环境了，污水和废气被肆意排放，而现在资本主义更是肆无忌惮的在全球为了攫取利润而剥削地球，如果不加阻止，那么资本主义把生态系统彻底毁灭只是时间问题。这一缺陷由生态社会主义者们加以修补。

马克思那年代，经济剥削关系只存在于资本家和工人之间，但是互联网的出现和大数据技术的发展给资本家们提供了一种新的剥削手段：通过盗窃用户隐私再进行大数据分析用户习惯从而精准推广广告，对用户进行广告洗脑以获取利润，很明显，这是对用户的基于隐私践踏的剥削，而这也是社交网站和搜索引擎最主要的利润来源。更糟糕的是，精准推广的内容不仅仅是广告，这就导致政府和科技公司联手勾结操纵用户，对用户们进行针对性洗脑，从而终结民主！还有内购制游戏，也通过强迫用户当免费陪玩和提供消费习惯数据，设置卡点强迫充值等手段剥削玩家。

马克思那年代，生产资料的成本是很难变化的，必须由资本家提供的，但互联网的发展导致资本家们利用互联网平台控制工人，一来人为隔离了工人导致联合难度增大，二来强迫工人自己提供诸如汽车啊，自行车啊，工作场所（所谓的“在家办公”）之类的生产资料，从而榨取更多利润。

最后一点，马克思没能想到国家资本主义这种情况，在国家资本主义下，公权力和私权力（对生产资料和资本的独裁占有）合一了，政府内的党官僚们挂羊头卖狗肉，以人民的名义或国家的名义霸占生产资料和资本和公权力，然后成为所有被压迫的人民的老板，苏联和中国就是这种模式。

6. Is Soviet Russia A Socialist State? [1]

6，苏维埃俄国是社会主义国家吗？

We do not know whether Lenin would have continued the NEP. He died in 1924. After his death, differences arose among the Bolsheviks on the question of the NEP. And indeed its development demanded the adoption of a definite policy. It was necessary either to extend the system, which promised an economic upturn but threatened the existence of the dictatorship, or to abolish the NEP and return to integral communism. It was the latter that was decided upon by Stalin, who had gained unlimited authority among Lenin’s followers.

1，我们不知道列宁是否会继续新经济政策（NEP）。他在1924年死了。在他死后，布尔什维克们在NEP的问题上发生了分歧。确实，俄国的发展要求承认一个确定的政策。要么扩展这一系统，会导致经济增长，但是会威胁到独裁的存在，或者抛弃NEP然后回到完整的共产主义。后者被斯大林所决定，他在列宁的追随者中获得了无限的权威。

State industry, however, was in a precarious condition and facing imminent ruin. Its production apparatus had to be overhauled. And so once more the Bolsheviks recalled Marxist doctrine, upon which after all Bolshevism at the beginning was founded, namely, that modern Socialism could develop only on the basis of a highly advanced heavy industry. It was decided, therefore, to create this industry at express train speed with the aid of a Five Year Plan. Within five years, beginning with 1928, it was planned to build an industrial organization that was to eclipse even that of the United States.

2，然而，国家工业处在一个危险的状态下，并即将面临毁灭。生产设备需要大修。布尔什维克们再一次重新呼吁马克思的教条，毕竟布尔什维克在一开始是建立在这一基础上的：现代社会主义只能在高度发展的重工业的基础上发展出来。因此，他们决定在五年计划的协助下以火车般的速度创造出这种工业。在五年内，于1928年开始，他们计划建设一个工业化组织，甚至能够遮蔽美国的成果。

The Five Year Plan was undertaken as a result of the desperate economic situation in Soviet Russia. War and civil war had undermined all industry. Added to these were the effects of the original nationalization of industrial plants in 1918, under which industry found itself in a state fluctuating between anarchy and militarization. The output of Russian industry was rapidly approaching zero.

3，五年计划的承诺是苏维埃俄国令人绝望的经济形势的结果。战争和内战破坏了所有的工业。更糟糕的是1918年的国有化工业设施是建立在国家在无政府和军事化之间的波动的基础上的。俄国工业的产出迅速接近于0。

This situation, emphasized by the Kronstadt rebellion, (in 1921) led to the New Economic Policy, which continued until 1928, the year of the introduction of the Five Year Plan. The NEP and return to peace brought a temporary revival of economic life. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks could not stop with the New Economic Policy. They did not realize that intellectuals were part of a working class, that the working class could not emancipate itself and achieve a higher order of production without the full and willing cooperation of a sufficient number of able and well trained intellectuals.

4，这一状况在Kronstadt起义中（1921）导致了新经济政策的出现，持续到1928年，这一年是五年计划的第一年。新经济政策和恢复和平带来了经济生活的暂时复苏。事实上，布尔什维克无法停止新经济政策。他们没有意识到知识分子们也是工人阶级的一部分，工人阶级无法在没有进行足够的和有效数目的有能力的和良好训练过的知识分子们的自愿合作下是无法解放自己或实现更高的生产目标的。

The socialist conceptions of the Bolsheviks were so primitive and crude that they failed to realize this. They preached the gospel of the mailed fist of labor, branded the intellectuals (insofar as they were not members of the Communist Party) as on a par with the “bourgeoisie” and the capitalists, and reduced them to the condition of pariahs without any rights. But the Communists soon realized that they did not have within their own ranks an adequate supply of talent capable of directing industrial plants. Their operation had to be entrusted to “class enemies,” who from the beginning regarded the new economy as misguided and destructive, and whose opposition was accentuated by the ill treatment accorded them. Looked upon with distrust, they were subjected to constant control by utterly incapable fanatical Communists, and made the scapegoats for every failure. Under the desperate conditions prevailing, failures continued to multiply while the managers of Soviet industry, living in an atmosphere of increasing terrorism, found themselves helpless in the hands of their Communists masters.

5，布尔什维克们对社会主义的概念是非常原始和粗糙的，但他们并没有意识到这一点。他们向工人宣讲关于拳头的福音（备注：意为鼓吹暴力），把知识分子们打上“资产阶级”和资本主义者的标签（只要他们还不是共产党的成员），把他们贬低到贱民的程度，没有任何权利。但是共产主义者们很快意识到他们内部缺乏对工业生产的供应进行指导的能力。他们的行动必须得到“阶级敌人们”的信任，那些人在一开始就指出新经济是误导性的和破坏性的，而他们的反对加剧了对他们的迫害。在不信任的基础上，他们被完全无能的狂热的共产主义者们完全控制了，并且被当作所有失败的替罪羊。在绝望的环境的推动下，失败持续不断的出现，而苏维埃工业的管理者们生活在不断增长的恐怖气氛下，他们发现在共产主义者主子手下非常无助。

Lack of skilled labor constituted an additional difficulty. Shortage of such labor was also a feature of czarist Russia, due to lack of proper educational facilities. The war had served to reduce still more the number of skilled workers, while curtailing the training of additional forces. This shortage was further aggravated during the revolution when many skilled workers – provided they were Communists or “non-partisans” – were transferred as a matter of favoritism from the factories to government jobs.

6，技术工人的缺乏构成了额外的困境。缺乏这样的工人也是沙俄的特征之一，因为缺乏合适的教育机构。战争导致了技术工人的大量减少，同时缩短了额外力量的训练时间。这一短期之后在革命中恶化了，很多技术工人——他们是共产主义者或“无党派的”——从工厂工作转为为政府工作。

All this put industry at a great disadvantage. Worst of all, however, was the effect of the tremendous state apparatus which the dictatorship had to set up in order to maintain itself. Nationalized industry was subjected to the domination of this machine which, under the circumstances, assumed increasingly larger proportions. The dictatorship inevitably brought about a condition in which all organizations subordinate to it were deprived of any independence. The absence of any outlet for open criticism made it necessary to extend in ever growing measure the task of keeping watch over the state apparatus, in proportion as it grew in scope and unwieldiness. This slow, top-heavy, artificial, bureaucratic machine vitiated the joy and efficiency of labor. An inevitable concomitant of these conditions was the spread of corruption, which certainly did not improve matters.

7，所有这些都为工业带入了巨大的缺陷中。然而，最糟糕的是，巨大的通过独裁维持自身的国家机器造成的影响。国有化的工业被控制在这一机器的手中，在这一状况下，假设了更大的增长比例。独裁直接带来了一种所有组织附属在独裁政权身边，任何独立性都被剥夺的状况。对于公开的批评的出口的缺乏使得监视国家机器这一任务变得越来越必要，在范围和臃肿程度上都变得越来越大。这一缓慢的，笨重的，人造的，官僚化的机器将劳工们的兴趣和效率都污染了。一个直接的附加后果是腐败的扩散，很显然这是不会提升物质水平的。

The leading Bolsheviks themselves looked with dissatisfaction upon the degeneration of economic life arising from the effects of the rampant bureaucracy. Individual departments came under the criticism of the Soviet press. This was so called “self-criticism.” But all that these outbursts of indignation against the bureaucrats accomplished was punishment of a few scapegoats and individuals guilty of particularly glaring inefficiency.

8，布尔什维克的领导者们自己对在猖獗的官僚独裁的影响下造成的经济生活的衰退很不满。个别部门在苏维埃出版物上被批判。这被叫做所谓的“自我批评”。但是所有这些爆发出来的对官僚们的愤怒只造成了对几个替罪羊的惩罚和特别没有效率的个人的判罪。

These were the reasons why Soviet industry was unable to move forward with any marked degree of success under the NEP, although production did increase somewhat over that of 1918-21, the period of “military communism.”

9，这就是为什么苏维埃工业无法再重现新经济政策（NEP）时代的成功，虽然产量比起1918-21年“军事共产主义”时期提升了。

Prices of industrial commodities rose above pre-war and world-market levels. The purchasing power of the peasant declined in growing measure as a result of the state’s determined efforts to keep down prices of farm products. This gave rise to a dangerous oppositionist tendency on the part of the peasants, who replied by cutting down production in the face of the disquieting growth of the population, which was proceeding at the rate of more than 3,000,000 annually. Worst of all, was the fact that despite all increases in prices industry was able to meet only wages and costs of materials, without any margin to cover wear and tear of machinery, to say nothing of creating a surplus for the extension of plants and equipment commensurate with the tremendous growth in population. The production apparatus taken over by the Soviet Government from its capitalist predecessors was rapidly deteriorating. This threatened to bring industry to a complete standstill.

10，工业商品的价格在战前和世界市场的水平上提升了。农民的购买力降低得越来越厉害，这是政府坚持压低农业产品价格的结果。这导致了农民中的危险的反对派趋向的崛起，反对者们以降低产量作为对令人不安的人口的增长的应对，人口增长率越来越高，已经超过了3000000。（备注：这个数字很奇怪，我不知道考茨基用的是什么单位，但是就人口增长率来说也太大了）最糟糕的是，事实是尽管有价格增长，工业只能负担工资和原材料的成本，没有任何剩余能够解决机器的磨损和破坏，更没有创造出与巨大的人口增长相称的能用来增添设施和装备的剩余。被苏维埃政府从前任资本家手中收缴过来的生产设备迅速变坏。这导致了一种威胁：工业生产完全停顿。

Under Stalin’s leadership the Soviet Government there upon decided to embark upon an attempt as bold as it was colossal of extricating itself from the swamp which threatened to engulf it. All of Russia’s resources were to be mobilized and concentrated, to the neglect of all other branches of activity, upon the development of heavy industry. In the event of success, it was contemplated to develop similarly the lighter industries, agriculture and, finally, the cultural domain. Heavy industry was to be developed as quickly as possible, the fear being that even as powerful a national organism as the Russian people could not very long withstand the enormous strain to which it was being subjected by the task set before it. Heavy industry was to be completely reorganized within five years, the promise being, however, that the beneficient effects of new construction were to manifest themselves in an improvement of living conditions within two to three years.

11，在斯大林的领导下苏维埃政府决定开始进行一种将自身从巨大的沼泽中解脱出来的尝试，这一巨大沼泽产生了吞噬他们自身的威胁。俄国的所有资源都被转移和集中了，忽略了所有其他分支活动，完全拿来发展重工业。在成功的案例中，它们考虑到了在轻工业，农业和文化领域进行类似的发展。重工业被尽可能快的发展，他们害怕即使是像俄国人民一样强大的国家组织也无法承受被这一设定的任务造成的巨大的过劳。重工业在五年内被完全重新组织起来了，然而，承诺说的是新建设的有益效果会在两至三年内明显的表现在他们的生活条件的提升上。

This was to be the Five Year Plan. The plan was immediately put into execution with all the zeal and energy available. But the causes which had contributed to the failure of industry under the NEP, despite the temporary improvement, remained unaltered: lack of skilled labor, the outlawing of plant managers, and particularly the crippling of production by the monstrous, bureaucratic machine which is simultaneously the instrument of the governing apparatus of the dictatorship and the administrative apparatus of production.

12，这成为了五年计划。这一计划立刻使用了所有可用的劲头和能量。但是造成了NEP下工业失败的那些因素，尽管有暂时的提升，这些还是没有改变：技术工人的缺乏，工厂管理人员被非法，特别是怪物般的官僚化的机器造成了生产的瘫痪，同时这一机器是独裁的统治机器的工具和生产管理机器。

To the old misery which the Five Year Plan inherited and perpetuated had been added a great deal of new suffering. This was inevitable. The execution of the plan required immense capital. Where was this to be obtained? Capitalist industry creates tremendous surplus values which permit the capitalists not only to live and to maintain expensive armies and navies, but to accumulate also immense capital reserves. Soviet industry has barely managed to pay wages and costs of materials. The costs of the army, the police, the bureaucracy, the state controlled press, the Communist Party must be met for the most part by exploitation of the peasantry. Under these circumstances, how were the enormous resources necessary for the realization of the Five Year Plan to be obtained? Through loans from capitalist countries of the “decayed West?”

13，五年计划继承和延续了过去的悲剧，并增添了巨大的新灾难。这是必然的。这一计划的执行需要大量的资本。从哪里获取这些资本呢？资本主义的工业创造了巨额剩余价值，允许资本家们不仅能生存下去和维持昂贵的陆军和海军，而且积累大量的资本储量。苏维埃工业只能勉强支付工资和原材料成本。军队的花费，警察的花费，官僚的花费，政府控制的出版物的花费，共产党必须通过剥削农民来支付这些费用。在这样的情形下，那些五年计划需要的巨额的资源需求如何获取呢？通过像“腐烂的西方”的资本主义国家借贷？

These, to be sure, the Bolsheviks tried hard to obtain, but the credits received, through maneuvers of doubtful moral character, were very far from sufficient. Only from Russia herself could the great bulk of the capital necessary for the Five Year Plan be sought, for the machinery required and supplied by foreign capitalists had to be paid for.

14，可以确定的是，布尔什维克努力尝试去获取贷款，但是他们的信誉，通过一些道德可疑的人物的导向，离有效很远。只有通过俄国自身，五年计划才能得到寻求的巨大数目的必需资本，因为他们需要的由外国资本家们供应的机器必须被付款才能得到。

The problem, could, therefore, be solved only by depriving the Russian population, which contains virtually no capitalists but only wage-earners, peasants and intellectuals, of the product of its labor to the extent which would barely keep it from revolting or dying of hunger in the streets. Everything that can possibly be squeezed out of the people was sold in the world market at any price. The proceeds were devoted to purchasing machinery and equipment from capitalists abroad. During the “Piatiletka” (Russian term for the Five Year Plan), there were accomplished indeed colossal things that aroused the amazement and admiration of the capitalist world and of many Socialists who had previously maintained a skeptical attitude toward the Bolshevik experiment. Some of them took the view which they themselves had previously rejected. They said, “Well, it is true that the Bolshevik methods are not suitable for us; nevertheless they seem to lead to socialist construction in Russia.”

15，这一问题只能通过剥削俄国人民解决，而俄国人民中没有资本家，只有打工仔，农民和知识分子，他们的劳动的产品仅仅能维持他们不在街头饿死或被迫反抗。所有能够从人民手中压榨出来的产品都被拿去在世界市场上以任意价格卖出了。获得到的利润被拿来从外国资本家中购买机器和设备。在“Piatiletka”（五年计划的俄文）中，的确实现了一些巨大的东西，资本主义世界感到了震惊和羡慕，也包括很多之前对布尔什维克的实验的态度是怀疑的社会主义者们。其中一些人之前拒绝采用这种视角，但现在采用了。他们说，“哦，布尔什维克模式真的不适合我们；然而他们看起来在俄国领导了社会主义建设。”

An indirect criticism of this view was once offered by Lenin himself in the days of czarism, when he was ridiculing the czarist government. In January 1905, he published in the newspaper Vperiod an article about the Russian reverses in the war with Japan, where he clearly proved that those reverses were the result of Russia’s lack of freedom, which hindered the efforts of energetic and selfreliant people without whom it was impossible to win a war.

16，一个关于这种视角的间接批评是列宁在沙俄时期自己写的，当他在嘲笑沙皇政府的时候。在1905年1月，他在Vperiod 这份报纸上发表了一篇关于俄国在与日本的战争中败退的文章，他清晰的证明了这些失败是俄国缺乏自由的结果，这阻碍了有能量的和独立的人民的努力，在没有这些的情况下赢得战争是不可能的。

“Events have proved,” wrote Lenin, “how right those foreigners were that tens and hundreds of millions of roubles were wasted on the purchase and construction of magnificent dreadnoughts, and who pointed out that all these expenditures were useless in the absence of people capable of handling modern military machinery and navigating modern vessels.”

17，“事件被证明了，”列宁写道，“那些外国人是多么正确，几千万甚至上亿的卢布被浪费在购买和建设华丽的无畏舰，他们指出所有这些装备都是无用的，因为人民缺乏掌控现代军事机器和导航现代军舰的能力。”

This applies both to machines intended for destruction and those built for production. Machines are useless if there are no competent people to tend them.

18，这同时揭示了破坏机器和生产机器最需要的。如果没有能够胜任维护工作的人，那么机器就是无用的。

Indeed, what characterizes modern production is not only a highly developed technique but also highly qualified workers who know how to operate the latest machinery and who are to be found in sufficient numbers only in a democracy. These workers are the prerequisites, even to a larger extent than the machines, of a true Socialist society that guarantees welfare and freedom to all.

19，的确，组成现代生产的，不仅只有高度发展的技术，而且还有知道如何操作最新机器的高技术工人们，而只有在民主下才会有足够数目的工人出现。这些工人们是先决条件，甚至比机器的规模更大，在真正的社会主义社会中所有人的福利和自由都会实现。

In Russia, however, under the Czar as well as under the Bolsheviks all efforts have always been directed toward importing the modern technique of capitalist countries, but not the freedom which creates modern men.

20，然而，在俄国，在沙皇和布尔什维克的统治下，所有的努力都导向从资本主义国家进口现代技术，但是没有创造出现代人所需要的自由。

In the ’60’s of the past century, under the influence of the defeat suffered in the Crimean War, a liberal movement sprang up among a section of the Russian nobility. This faction, after abolishing serfdom, wanted to emulate the English aristocracy in conducting a modern economy. The abolition of serfdom brought to some of the landowners large indemnities which they used in the purchase of agricultural machinery in England. But they could not import English workers along with the machinery, or if they could it was only in small numbers. The peasants, who by law had just been freed from serfdom but who in reality continued to be the slaves of the landowners arid of absolutism, showed little capacity for handling modern machinery. The machines soon fell into disrepair and became junk.

21，在过去的世纪中的“60”s（备注：也就是19世纪60年代），在克里米亚战争的失败的影响下，俄国贵族中流行起了一种自由主义运动。这一流派，在废除农奴制之后，想要与英国贵族们在发展现代经济上进行竞争。农奴制的废除带给了一些地主大量赔款，他们用这些赔款从英国购买了农业机器。但是他们无法和机器一起进口英国工人，如果他们能这么做，那么也只能进口少数工人。农民们在法律上从农奴制中解放出来了，但是事实上他们继续成为了地主们的绝对意义上的奴隶，几乎没有掌控现代机器的能力。这些机器不久就缺乏维护，成为了垃圾。

The promoters of the Piatiletka disregarded these early experiences. They too, believed that all that was necessary was to import as many new machines as possible from the industrial countries. They forget that it was necessary also to create the political and social conditions that furthered the development of modern men. Still less did they think of the fact that such men cannot be developed as fast as new machines are created, and, for this purpose, the Five Year Plan was not enough.

22，五年计划的推动者们没有注意到这些早期的经验。他们也相信尽可能多的从工业化国家进口新机器是唯一必要的。他们忘了，创造发展现代人所需的政治和社会环境也是必要的。他们也没想过，事实上这样的人无法想新机器一样快速发展出来，对于这一目标来说，五年计划根本不够。

But to create new machines in the face of a lack of qualified workmen means not to increase the productive forces of the country, but only to waste its resources.

23，但是在面临缺乏技术工人的情况下制造新机器并不会增加国家的生产力，而只会浪费资源。

Furthermore, Stalin and his men during the Piatiletka were wasting national wealth in a manner quite different from the method employed in the sixties by the liberal landowners. The latter spent for the purchase of machinery only such funds as would have been wasted in gambling, in trips to Paris, etc. The condition of their peasants did not grow worse on account of it. Quite different is the case with Stalin. All the wealth of Russia which her exploiters had been able to garner before the World War by accumulating the surplus value that flowed into their pockets had been spent or destroyed first in the war, then in the civil war, and finally in consequence of the establishment of a bureaucratic state economy by the Bolsheviks. The large sums of money needed for the creation of the new industrial apparatus could be raised only be extracting as much as possible of the newly-created surplus value from the laboring masses. But the productivity of these masses was quite small. Under Czarism the wages and standard of living of the workers were pitifully low. They declined further during the world war and civil war. During the NEP period, they rose somewhat. Now they have been greatly reduced again in order to obtain money for the purchase of machines.

24，更糟糕的是，斯大林和他的手下在五年计划中以与自由主义地主们在六十年代所采用的截然不同的方式浪费国家财富。后者用来购买机器的资金如果不去购买机器，也会被浪费在赌博，去巴黎旅游之类的事上。他们的农民的境况不会因此更糟。但对于斯大林来说，这事就非常不同了。所有俄国的剥削者们剥削的在世界大战之前通过积累剩余价值而进入他们的口袋里的财富在战争和内战，以及布尔什维克们建立一个官僚化的国家经济的过程中被花光或破坏了。制造新工业设备需要的大量金钱只能通过尽可能的从劳工大众中压榨新创造的剩余价值获得。但是这些大众的产能很小。在沙皇统治下工人们的工资和生活标准非常可怜的低。在世界大战和内战中他们的生活水平变得更低了。在新经济政策时期，生活水平多多少少提升了。现在，他们的生活水平又要大大降低了，为了获取购买机器的钱。（备注：基本上49之后的中国也是如此，毛贼几乎重复了斯大林的所有暴行，除了文革是毛贼原创的之外。）

Foreign tourists in Russia stand in silent amazement before the gigantic enterprises created there, as they stand before the pyramids, for example. Only seldom does the thought occur to them what enslavement, what lowering of human self-esteem was connected with the construction of those gigantic establishments.

25，来俄国的外国游客们在这里建造的巨大的企业面前感到震惊，例如，就像站在金字塔前一样。这些想法很少会出现在他们身上：这些巨大的建设的建造过程是如何和奴役以及践踏人类的自尊联系起来的。（备注：实际上古埃及金字塔并不是奴隶建造的，这点古埃及政府远强过斯大林政府，不过这是最近的考古学发现，考茨基当年很显然是不知道这一点的。）

The Russian land-owners imported machinery without improving the condition of the peasants or adding to their freedom. This was the cause of the failure of their technical reform plan. The Bolsheviks, on the other hand, imported machinery by rendering the condition of the workers immeasurably worse and curtailing their freedom. They extracted the means for the creation of material productive forces by destroying the most essential productive force of all-the laboring man. In the terrible conditions created by the Piatiletka, people rapidly perished. Soviet films, of course, did not show this. But to convince oneself one only has to inquire of Western European and American workers who went to work in Russia to escape the capitalist hell and find happiness in the Soviet paradise. After a short stay, these workers hurried back to their former “hell,” where conditions may have been bad enough but yet more bearable than was the condition of the workers or even privileged persons on the other side of the Soviet border.

26，俄国的地主们在进口机器的时候，并没有提升农民的生活条件，或增加他们的自由。这造成了技术改造计划的失败。另一方面，布尔什维克们在进口机器的同时将工人的生活条件变得无法衡量的糟糕，并剥夺了他们的自由。他们通过毁灭所有劳工们的最关键的生产力来榨取制造物质生产力的资料。在五年计划制造的糟糕条件下，人民迅速死亡。当然，苏维埃电影是不会展示这些的。但是要说服自己，一个人只能询问那些为了逃离资本主义地狱而在苏维埃天堂中找到快乐的西欧和美国工人们。在短暂的停留后，这些工人们匆忙跑回他们之前的”地狱“，那里的条件虽然很差，但比苏维埃边境内的工人们或甚至有特权的人的条件更能忍受。

The results of the Piatiletka have turned out to be terrible largely because the Bolsheviks, not content with setting up a large number of gigantic industrial establishments, undertook to transform the individual peasant economy forthwith into a gigantic collective economy, doing precisely that which Lenin had prudently abstained from. For Lenin was able to win because he energetically supported the demands of the peasants who were bent on taking possession of the land of the landowners. It must be noted, however, that this support was quite unnecessary to the peasants, inasmuch as the Social Revolutionists and Mensheviks sided with the peasants in this question and had promulgated the division of the land among the peasants before the Bolsheviks had seized power.

27，五年计划的结果非常糟糕，这是因为布尔什维克们并不满足于建造大量的巨型的工业设施，他们还承诺将个体农业经济立刻转变为巨型的集体经济，做的恰好是列宁之前谨慎反对的。列宁赢了，是因为他充满热情的支持农民的诉求，农民们想要从地主那里取回土地所有权。然而，需要注意的是，对于农民们来说支持列宁是没有必要的，因为在布尔什维克夺取政权之前，社会革命党人和孟什维克在这一问题上也站在农民一边，并在农民之间发布了对土地的计划。

But Stalin needed money for a program of rapid industrialization on a gigantic scale. Those enterprises which already existed were working on a deficit, and therefore the expedient of extracting more from the peasants seemed all the more necessary. This method of procedure encountered many difficulties when applied to the individual, free peasants who had enough resistance power. Hence, the idea of combining the individual peasant holdings into gigantic collectives, the so called “kolkhozy,” ruled by the state. From such enterprises, the state thought to collect a much larger share of their production than from individual peasants. But the peasants would not join the “kolkhozy.” Therefore they must be compelled to join them by force. Thus, the diligent and willing toil of free peasants was replaced with the compulsory labor of unwilling serfs. And the yield of such labor is always poor in quality and quantity. It can be managed only with the aid of the most primitive and simple tools of production. A man working under compulsion will quickly damage any kind of complicated tool. And yet the kolkhozy were supposed to be the last word of efficiency and modernity in agricultural economy. They were supplied with the best American implements. With the change to the new methods of production, cattle were to a large extent slaughtered. The member of the kolkhoz was compelled to work with the new implements of production which were not suited to him, for they require free, highly-skilled workers. The old implements, to which he had become accustomed, are gone. It is easy to imagine the results accomplished by a man working against his will and interests. And in fact, since the introduction of “Socialist construction,” the productivity of Russian agriculture has been declining appreciably. At present[2] there is real famine in that agricultural country. In the days of the Czar we were perfectly justified in denouncing famine in Russia as evidence of the rottenness of the political order. But the famine in Russia this year exceeds anything known before. It rages practically all over the Ukraine, in Northern Caucasus and the Lower Volga region, the most fertile sections of the country-the very ones in which the collectivization of agriculture has been most extensive.

28，但是斯大林需要钱以实现在大范围内迅速工业化的计划。已经存在的那些企业在亏损中运转，因此更需要用手段从农民身上压榨更多。这一方式在执行过程会有很多困难，因为个体的自由农民们有足够的反抗力量。因此，将个体农民放入巨大的集体中的主意，所谓的“集体农庄”，被政权执行了。对于这样的企业来说，政权想要从中收集到比从个体农民收集到的多得多的产品。但是农民们不会加入“集体农庄”。因此必须用暴力强迫他们加入。因此，勤奋和自愿辛劳的自由农民们被替换成了义务劳动的不自愿的农奴。而这样的劳动力的产出总是在质量和数量上都是缺乏的。他们只能在最原始和简陋的生产工具的协助下被管理。一个在义务下工作的人会迅速损坏任何种类的复杂工具。然而集体农庄被期盼成为最有效和现代化的农业经济。他们被供应了最先进的美国工具。（备注：毛贼的所谓人民公社就是学自斯大林的集体农庄，本质都是农民变成政府的农奴。）伴随着改变成新的生产模式，耕牛被大规模屠杀。集体农庄的成员被强迫用新的生产工具工作，但是这些工具并不适合他，这些工具需要自由的，高技术的工人。旧的工具，他习惯的工具，没了。我们很容易就能想像到，一个人在违反他的意志和利益的条件下工作的结果是什么。事实上，从“社会主义建设”被介绍之后，俄国农业产量迅速下降。现在，在这个农业国家里真的发生了饥荒。在沙皇时期，我们完美的证明了俄国发生的饥荒是政治秩序腐烂的证据。但是今年在俄国发生的饥荒规模超过了之前已知的任何饥荒。特别是饥荒在乌克兰的所有地方肆虐，在Northern Caucasus和Lower Volga region，这个国家里最肥沃的地区——也是集体化农业规模最大的地区。（备注：毛贼时期的大饥荒爆发的原因也是类似的。）

There are some who admitting the economic weaknesses of the Soviet regime continue to have faith in its aims and possibilities. But are not these economic weaknesses of the regime themselves due to the fact that the social transformation possible under the historical and structural conditions prevailing in the Soviet Union cannot by the very nature of things be a socialist one? By its very nature, the Soviet regime cannot create anything beyond a purely governmental economy with an enormously unproductive bureaucracy. Is this not the kind of economy the socialist character of which has always been denied by Socialists?

29，有些人承认苏维埃政权的经济的弱点，但继续保持对它的目标和可能性的信心。但是这个政权自身的经济弱点难道不是在苏联广泛分布的历史的和结构性的环境下发生的可能的社会转变不能自然的转变成为社会主义吗？非常自然的，苏维埃政权无法创造任何超越纯粹的政府化的带有巨大的不生产的官僚组织的经济。难道这不是那种总是被社会主义者们否定的社会经济模式吗？

The highly rationalized technology of some Soviet industrial plants which, like the rest of Soviet economy, are woefully unproductive when looked upon from any true economic point of view, is but a drop in the bucket as a positive factor when viewed from the standpoint of the interests of the national welfare. Still, the Bolsheviks continue to speak glibly of the necessity of “greatest sacrifices” in the present as the price of “future welfare.”

30，一些苏维埃工业设施中的高度理性化的技术，就像其他苏维埃经济一样，从任何真正的经济视角来看都是非常可悲的没有产出的，但是用国家福利的利益这一立足点所在的角度看，就像是桶里的一滴水一样。（备注：意思是杯水车薪，根本起不到什么作用。）然而，布尔什维克们继续高唱作为“未来的福利”的代价，现在的“巨大牺牲”有多么必要。

Great sacrifices cannot be waved aside quite so easily. Who will guarantee that “the future welfare” under the dictatorship will be anything more than a Fata Morgana? This dictatorship is pictured by some as the dictatorship of a minority animated by faith, enthusiasm and readiness for higher self-sacrifice in behalf of a great human ideal, and seeking to impose that ideal upon the great majority of 170,000,000 people.

31，巨大的牺牲可没办法被轻易的摆在一边。谁会赞同在独裁之下“未来的福利”会比幻觉更多呢？这种独裁被一小部分有热烈信仰的，热情的和准备就绪的独裁者描述成为了伟大的人类理想的高贵的自我牺牲，他们寻求将这一理想强加到1.7亿人身上，这可是个大数目啊。

I see the present generation of Communists, i.e. not those in the opposition but those in power, in quite a different light. A few among them may still be regarded as idealists, but too many of them have succumbed to the inevitable consequences nurtured by the dictatorship. These are the consequences of every despotism, which inevitably cultivates and encourages a conscienceless element eager to adapt itself to the needs of the powers that be, spies, stool pigeons, informers, careerists.

32，我看见现在这个世代的共产主义者们，不是那些反对派，而是那些当权者们，变得完全不同了。他们当中的一些人也许还是被当作理想主义者，但是其中太多的人屈服于独裁造成的直接后果。这是每个独裁暴政都会有的后果，直接培育和鼓励了他们自己接受一种丧尽天良的元素，去满足权力的需要，成为间谍，警察的线人，告密者，野心家。

How can a ruling caste among whom such elements dominate in increasing measure the despotism from which they sprang, while ejecting progressively the influence of decent comrades, be animated by any readiness for high self-sacrifice in the name of a great human ideal? No doubt, they speak much of sacrifice, as do many German Nazis, they demand immeasurable sacrifices of others, but never of themselves. They themselves are quite comfortable as long as the Communist Parry remains in power.

33，统治种姓如何能在这样的元素的主宰下变得越来越残暴，将曾经的战友们的进步的影响完全逐出的同时，被任何准备就绪的以伟大的人类理想之名进行的高度自我牺牲热切的鼓舞了？无需怀疑的是，他们经常在说牺牲，就像德国的纳粹们说的一样多，他们要求其他人作出无法衡量的牺牲，但是自己从来不牺牲。只要共产党还握有权力，他们自己就觉得很舒服。

The Russian Communist Party which is seeking to impose this road to “future welfare” upon 170,000,000 human beings embraces some 2,000,000 members. How many among them are spies, informers, careerists?

34，俄国共产党中的那些寻找通往“未来的福利”的道路的人数，在1.7亿人中占了2百万。其中多少人是间谍，告密者，野心家？

Socialism could be brought about only by an independent movement of an overwhelming majority. It is the task of the Socialists to lead in this movement. And when they are confronted, with the apathy of the majority, they must seek to enlighten it and to win it over to their side. Under no circumstances must they seek to dominate it by violence and compulsion. Only when minorities of exploiters try to hold down by force majorities of exploited do we consider the use of force against such minorities justified. But never against the majority of the. population, however reactionary it may be.

35，社会主义只能通过独立的压倒性的多数运动才能带来。社会主义者们的任务是领导这一运动。当他们在反抗的时候，面对缺乏兴趣的多数，他们必须寻求启蒙他们，将他们拉到这边来。没有任何情况下他们必须寻求通过暴力和义务来主宰他们。只有在少数剥削者们试图用暴力压制多数被剥削者时，我们才认为使用暴力反抗这些少数是正当的。但是永远不要与大部分人对抗，无论他们如何反应。

Under Czarism the working class of Russia had to contend against very limited opportunities for political and social development. Nevertheless, a large portion of the working class managed to utilize whatever opportunities were available to the best possible advantage and to enlarge these opportunities in constant, stubborn struggle against the oppressors. With the breakdown of absolutism in 1917, the expectation was justified that under the new democratic conditions the elite of the Russian workers would continue to make rapid progress and carry the masses with them.

36，在沙皇统治下俄国的工人阶级们不得不利用非常稀少的机会去为了政治和社会发展而战斗。渐渐的，很大一部分工人阶级成功利用了任何可用的机会并增大这些机会，坚持与压迫者们斗争。在1917年绝对压迫被冲破了，这一期待是很自然的：在新的民主的环境下俄国工人们中的精英将会继续快速进步并带领大众跟随他们。

Then came the Bolsheviks and destroyed all the seeds that had sprouted so hopefully by imposing upon the people a regime that is much more oppressive. The old revolutionary idealists, insofar as they failed to become Communists, were killed, driven into exile or silenced in prison cells. Of former Bolsheviks themselves many have disappeared and died; many have submitted in hopeless resignation or have been corrupted by posts of power. Of the new generation now rising, an ever decreasing minority belongs to the Communist Party. The greater portion of this minority has fallen victim to those perversions of character which the possession of limitless power inevitably cultivates – among Communists as well as among princes. The overwhelming majority of the people, however, has been shorn of all human dignity, all capacity for action, and reduced to the level of starved and beaten beasts of burden. The fact that they appear to submit and to bear silently, without protest, with aching heart, all the heavy sacrifices and privations heaped upon them by their new masters is not to be regarded as in the nature of the heroic but as extremely depressing.

37，然后布尔什维克来了，通过强迫人民接受一个更为压迫的政权毁灭了所有萌芽的希望的种子。旧革命理想家们，只要他们没能成为共产党员，就会被杀，被驱逐出境，或在监狱牢房中被消音。前布尔什维克们自己很多也失踪和死亡了；还有很多人在没有希望的情况下被辞职，或者被权力所腐蚀。新的世代正在崛起，属于共产党的少数变得更少。这一小部分中的大部分成为了无限制的权力的推动下的直接的受害者，性格变得扭曲——在共产党员内和王子内都是如此。然而，压倒性的多数人民，所有的人类尊严和行动能力都被剥夺，被贬低到饥饿的和被殴打的负担的怪物的等级上。事实是他们表现得服从和沉默的忍受，没有抗争，内心颤抖，所有的沉重的牺牲和困苦被他们的新主子堆积到他们头上，这并不被当成是英雄的本性，而是极度的失望。

The Russian working class has declined progressively with every year from the height to which it had attained in 1917. It is not approaching closer to Socialism, but is moving constantly away from it, and is losing in every increasing measure the capacity for self-determination in the labor process. State slavery does not become Socialism merely because the slave drivers call themselves Communists.

38，俄国的工人阶级与1917年达到的高度比每年都在退步。这不是在靠近社会主义，而是越来越远离社会主义，劳工们失去了越来越多的自决能力。国家奴隶制不会因为驱使奴隶的人自称共产主义者而成为社会主义。

The methods of dictatorship in general and of the Five Year Plan in particular do not constitute the road to Socialism, but rather the road away from it.

39，特别是五年计划中通常的独裁模式，它并不建造通往社会主义的道路，而是远离社会主义的道路。

Certainly, it is the aim of Socialists to deprive the capitalists of the means of production. But that in itself is not enough. We must also determine who is to control these means of production. When another minority takes the place of the capitalists and controls the means of production, independently of the people and frequently against their will, the change in property relations thus accomplished signifies least of all Socialism. There are forms of Oriental despotism in which the master of the state wield also mastery over the country’s instruments of production. [2] In comparison with this form of state economy, the capitalist system of production is much less oppressive, and resistance to it much more promising of results. In Russia it is the government, not the people, who controls the means of production. The government is thus the master of the people.

40，当然，社会主义者的目标是剥夺资本家们对生产资料的占有权。但是这并不够。我们必须决定谁来控制这些生产资料。当另一小部分人替代了资本家们的位置并控制了生产资料时，人民的独立性频繁的与他们的意志冲突，这在所有社会主义中实现的对生产关系的改变是最小的一种。这是一种东方暴君式的统治，政权的主人同时也是国家的生产工具的主人。和这种国家经济模式相比，资本主义的生产系统的压迫要少很多，而对它的反抗也更能得到承诺的结果。在俄国，是政府，而不是人民控制生产资料。因此政府是人民的主子。

The Socialism toward which Social Democracy is striving is a mode of production superior to capitalism. But the latter constitutes the highest of all modes of production yet developed: large industries with free workers who as yet have no authority over their means of production. Collective ownership and management of large enterprises with fullest freedom for the workers is Socialism, which is superior to industrial capitalism. But this capitalism is superior not only to the small industry of the guild craftsman, but also to large industry with compulsory labor, as well as to every form of state economy based upon conscript labor. Every economy of this sort must be rejected in spite of the fact that it is not capitalist. I do not agree with Max Adler who, arguing against me, once said that “for a Marxist the duty to participate in and sympathize with every movement against capitalism is a moral axiom.”

41，通向社会民主的社会主义一直在努力实现一个比资本主义更好的生产模式。但是后者建造了迄今为止发展出来的最高级的生产模式：大型工业和至今没有掌控生产资料的自由工人们。集体所有权和完全自由的工人对大型企业进行管理，这是社会主义，这比工业化资本主义更优秀。但是这种资本主义不仅比公会工匠们的小工业更优秀，而且比使用义务劳工的大型工业和每个政权经济模式所基于的征召劳力更优秀。每一个这种类型的经济都必须被拒绝，尽管它不是资本主义的。我并不同意 Max Adler反驳我时所说的“对于一个马克思主义者来说，参与和同情每一种反对资本主义的运动是一种责任与道德公理。”

Our duty is not merely to abolish the capitalist order but to set up a higher order in its place. But we must oppose those forces aiming to destroy capitalism only to replace it with a barbarous mode of production.

42，我们的责任不仅仅是废除资本主义秩序，而且是在原来的资本主义的位置上建立一个更高等的秩序。但是我们必须反对那些目标是摧毁资本主义然后只用一种更野蛮的生产模式取代的力量。

It is for this reason that the democratically-minded portion of the working class must oppose all tendencies toward dictatorship threatening the freedom of the workers, tendencies manifested not only by the capitalists but also those that originate with anti-capitalist groups.

43，因此，拥有民主思维的那部分工人阶级必须反对所有迈向独裁威胁工人自由的趋势，反对那些不仅被资本主义者所声明而且被那些反资本主义组织所发动的趋势。

What we see in Russia, is, therefore, not Socialism but its antithesis. It can become Socialism only when the people expropriate the expropriators now in power, to use a Marxian expression. Thus, the socialist masses of Russia find themselves with respect to the problem of control of the means of production in the same situation which confronts the workers in capitalist countries. The fact that in Russia the expropriating expropriators call themselves Communists makes not the slightest difference. The difference between Soviet Russia and Western Europe is that the workers in the advanced capitalist countries are already strong enough to have limited to some extent the dictatorship of capital and to have altered power relationships to a point which makes the socialization of important economic monopolies a matter of the political victory of the workers in the near future, whereas in Russia the means of production are highly concentrated in one hand and their ownership protected by an absolutist state machine, while the workers, being divided, without organization of their own, without a free press or free elections, are completely shorn of any means of resistance.

44，因此，我们看到在俄国发生的，不是社会主义，而是与社会主义相反的东西。在马克思主义的表述中，只有人民剥夺了剥夺者的权力，掌握权力之后，社会主义才能实现。因此，俄国的社会主义大众们发现他们自己在控制生产资料这一问题上和资本主义国家的工人们面临的情况是相同的。事实是在俄国那些自称共产主义者的剥夺剥夺者的人并没有表现出最轻微的差异。苏维埃俄国和西欧不同的地方在于，先进资本主义国家中的工人们已经有足够强大的力量去限制资本独裁，并拥有将权力关系修改到将社会化重要经济垄断企业当成不远的将来工人们能够获取的政治胜利的力量，而在俄国生产资料被高度集中在少数人手中，而他们的所有权被国家机器完全保护着，同时工人们被分裂，没有属于他们自己的组织，没有出版自由或选举自由，完全被剥夺了反抗的手段。（备注：这是斯大林模式的典型特征，毛贼时期的中国也是如此。）

Similar to the monopoly of property ownership in Russia is the monopoly of education. This is one of the instruments whereby the dictatorship seeks to buttress its power.

45，在俄国，与财产权垄断类似的是教育的垄断。这是独裁政权巩固权力的手段之一。

Still worse is the complete destruction of intellectual freedom, which strikes even the mass of Communists. True education, genuine participation in the knowledge of our time, is impossible without intellectual liberty.

46，更糟糕的是，思想自由被完全毁灭，这甚至袭击了多数共产党员。真正的教育，真正对我们这一时代的知识的参与，是无法在没有思想自由的情况下发生的。

The situation has been characterized by Otto Bauer as follows:

47，这一情形被Otto Bauer这样形容：

“Russia is a state of unlimited absolutism, much more than it was under the Czar. The government is all-powerful. No meetings are permitted except those agreeable to the government, no newspapers except those of the government party. Members of all other organizations are at best jailed, at worst shot. The control of the police over the population has attained a measure which can hardly be imagined in free countries. It is a regime of absolutist dictatorship, of a power quite without any limitation, which holds every human being completely in its hand but is itself subject to no control.“

48，”俄国是一个完全的极权国家，比沙俄时期更极权。政府是全能的。除非政府同意，否则无法进行会议，除了政府的党的报纸，没有其他报纸。所有其他组织的成员，最好的遭遇是被监禁，最糟糕的遭遇是被射杀。警察对人民的控制达到了自由国家中难以想像的程度。这是一个完全独裁的政权，权力没有任何限制，每个人都被完全控制，没有什么是政府没有控制的。”

“Such a system of dictatorship destroys all intellectual liberty. In Russia there is only one form of science – that officially authorized by the government. He who entertains scientific views other than those prescribed officially is thrown out to starve and must, indeed, consider himself fortunate if he is not exiled or shot.”

49，“这样一个独裁系统毁灭了所有思想自由。在俄国只有一种形式的科学——被政府官方认可的科学。那些对其他科学视野感兴趣而不是对官方规定的科学视野感兴趣的人被扔出去挨饿，他必须考虑他自己的未来，如果他不是被驱逐或被射杀的话。”（备注：这里说的是李森科事件：李森科主义没有实现苏联人“面包会有的”的理想，反而使他们的分子生物学和遗传工程学遭到了不可救药的落伍，苏联失去了两代现代生物学家。http://blog.sciencenet.cn/blog-622531-773528.html）

Nowhere are the mass of the people and the mass of Communists themselves deprived of opportunity to learn what is raking place in the world of science, to explore the truth and to know it, as in Soviet Russia. In capitalist countries the masses of the people have a hundred times more opportunity for real knowledge, not mere drilled and regimented Communist talk; a hundred times more opportunity to break the educational monopoly of the ruling class than in the land of so-called “proletarian” dictatorship. Only Fascist Italy may be compared with Russia in this respect. It is precisely in respect to education that the Russian people have yet to win what the people of the West have long been enjoying. This cannot be attained so long as the dictatorship continues to rule. On this point, too, the road of Bolshevism leads not to Socialism but away from it.

50，在苏维埃俄国，人民大众和共产党员大众们被剥夺了学习收集世界科学知识的机会，被剥夺了探索真相和知道真相的机会。在资本主义国家人民大众拥有上百个或更多机会学习真正的知识，而不是抠字眼的和刻板的共产党员谈话；上百个或更多机会破除统治阶级的教育垄断，而不是被所谓的“无产阶级”独裁控制在手中。在这一层面上，只有法西斯意大利才能与俄国相比。准确来说，在教育领域，俄国人民至今没能赢得西方人民已经享受了很长时间的权利。只要独裁持续统治，那么这一权利就不可能被获得。从这一点上来说，布尔什维克主义并不导向社会主义，而是远离社会主义。

But are not the Russians superior to us at least in the domain of planned economy? Are we not at the present moment experiencing in capitalist countries the calamitous consequence of capitalist anarchy? Is not the planned economy of the Soviet Union to be hailed in favorable contrast to this situation?

51，但是是不是至少俄国在计划经济领域比我们先进呢？我们是不是现在还没能在资本主义国家中经历无政府资本主义造成的灾难性的后果呢？是不是应该为苏联的计划经济欢呼呢，因为这与无政府资本主义相反？

One might be inclined to think so. A planned economy should certainly be possible where the general apparatus of production is concentrated in one hand. Nor does such an economy require the socialist self-determination of the people in the labor process. Even the state economy of a despot may be planfully regulated. All human social life which does not spring from mere natural causes requires planned regulation if it is to proceed to some purpose. Any industrial plant is evidence of that.

52，一个人也许有这么思考的倾向。计划经济在生产设备被集中在少数人手中时当然是应该成为可能的。而这一经济模式也不要求劳动人民的社会主义自决。甚至是在暴君统治下，国家经济也可能是完全计划的。所有不源于自然因素的人类社会生活如果是为了一些目的而进行的，那么都会要求计划的规定。任何一个工业设施都是计划的证据。

The Bolsheviks, too, tried to introduce such regulation from the beginning of their rule. But they met with no success, and could not have been successful because of the peculiar conditions under which they came into power.

53，布尔什维克们也尝试在他们统治的一开始就引入这样的规定。但是他们没成功，也不可能成功，因为他们夺权的时候的环境很特别。

When the Socialists come into power in the democratic countries they will have already secured the support of the majority of the population for their program. They will be able to support themselves upon great mass organizations of trained comrades, political, trade union, cooperative and educational. Their leaders will have already gained wide experience in the organization and administration of developed social enterprises, as well as much practical and not merely theoretical knowledge in economic affairs as representatives in communal legislatures and administrative organs, as state officials and ministers and, on the other hand, as leaders of workers’ cooperatives and labor banks, as managers of great newspapers, etc. They are acquiring also the ever-increasing support of intellectuals now engaged in managing private enterprises.

54，在民主国家中，社会主义者们获取权力之后，他们会安全的拥有大部分人民对他们的纲领的支持。他们会有巨大的由受训练的战友们组成的，政治的，独立工会，合作的和教育上的大规模组织的支持。他们的领导者将会拥有在组织和管理发达的社会企业上获得的丰富经验，拥有更实际的而不是只是理论上的经济知识，在公共立法机构和管理机构中拥有代表，例如政府官员和首相，另一方面，作为工人合作机构和劳工银行的领导者，作为大型报社的管理者，诸如此类的。他们也获得了一直在增长的参与管理私人企业的知识分子的支持。

All this will make it possible for Social Democracy to introduce planning and system in production when we acquire power and will enable us to master the production process. Its economic knowledge and sense o£ responsibility with regard to the masses will keep it from striking out upon adventurist policies and will guard it at every step against ill-conceived actions.

55，当我们获得权力和能够掌控生产过程时，所有这些都使得社会民主在生产中引入计划和系统变得可能。经济知识和赋予大众的责任感会剔除冒险的政策，然后会守护每一步，反对欠考虑的行动。

The conditions prerequisite for any such development were non-existent in Russia when the Bolsheviks seized power. Czarism had suppressed every opportunity for the participation of all classes in government, and subjected the regulation of all social life to rigidly centralized, bureaucratic, police and military institutions.

56，这些对任何这类发展来说都必须的先决条件，当布尔什维克在俄国夺取政权时都是不存在的。沙皇压制了所有的阶级参与政府决策的机会，将所有社会生活都严格控制在中心化的，官僚化的警察和军事机构中。

When these institutions collapsed in 1917, in the midst of military defeat, all classes of the population found themselves free but without any experience and knowledge in self-government. Under a democratic regime they undoubtedly would have acquired quickly the necessary experience and ability. At first, the democracy showed itself quite helpless, however. The Bolsheviks utilized this period to destroy democracy and to erect a new despotism by means of a rigidly centralized conspiratory organization, with the support of a group of workers, soldiers and sailors in Petrograd. Bolshevism obtained the support of these elements by making unmeasured promises, prompted to a large extent by demagogy but certainly also by underestimate of the difficulties of the task.

57，当1917年这些机构崩溃的时候，在军事失败的阴影下，所有阶级发现了他们自己是自由的，但是没有任何自我治理的经验和知识。在民主政权下，无可质疑的，他们会迅速获得必须的经验和能力。在一开始，民主显示出了他们自己的无助，然而，布尔什维克们利用了这一时期毁灭了民主，在一组工人，士兵和水兵的支持下，在彼得格勒通过严格中心化的密谋组织强加了新的暴君统治。布尔什维克们通过许下没有事先衡量过的实现的承诺获得了这些人的支持，这些承诺很大程度上是哗众取宠的，但显然也是低估了任务的困难程度的。

No less than the masses were the leaders unable to develop under czarist conditions the necessary ability without which victory over capitalism is impossible. The Bolsheviks were well schooled in fighting the police and in winning the plaudits of poor, ignorant devils. But they lacked any knowledge and experience in the administration of government and economic institutions. They had studied Marx theoretically, but in a talmudic sense, for they lacked any opportunity to study more intimately the economic phenomena with which Marx dealt.

58，现在，对于大众来说，困难不比在沙俄时代发展为了战胜资本主义所必须的能力所面对的困难更小。布尔什维克们在与警察战斗和得到穷困无知的恶魔的喝彩上的经验很充足。但他们缺乏任何管理政府和经济机构的知识和经验。他们在理论上学习了马克思，但在现实情景中，他们缺乏任何密切学习经济现象的机会，而马克思进行了相关经营。

With quite inadequate human material, themselves entirely unprepared, the Bolsheviks ventured to turn topsy-turvy a country of 170,000,000 inhabitants and to establish in Russia an order of production the prerequisite for which were absent, nay, for which there were no models even in the much higher developed West.

59，加上严重缺乏人才，他们自己完全没有准备，布尔什维克们冒险将一个拥有1.7亿人的国家带入了乱七八糟中，试图在俄国建立一个缺乏先决条件的秩序，甚至在高度发展的西方也没有相应的模型。

Even the greatest of geniuses would have found this too large a task. Visionaries like Upton Sinclair, Bernard Shaw, Henri Barbusse and others may be impressed by the daring of the Bolsheviks, but this daring emanates from complete ignorance.

60，甚至是最有智慧的人也会发现这一目标太大了。像Upton Sinclair, Bernard Shaw, Henri Barbusse和其他类似的空想家们也许会被布尔什维克们的勇气鼓舞，但是这一勇气来自于完全的无知。

The Bolsheviks were forced to the attempt to create something resembling a planned economy. Planned economy presupposes, however, something more than the drawing up of a plan-nothing is easier. It presupposes also its systematic and consistent execution. Only when this is attained can we speak of planned economy. This has never been achieved in Soviet Russia, however, and could not have been achieved, for the conditions prerequisite to the success of any plan were non-existent. Failure was all the more certain because each succeeding plan was embarked upon in haste and without preparation. As soon as one plan would be put into operation its shortcomings would become apparent and it was found necessary to change it and, finally, to abandon it. Naturally, the decision to cast it overboard would be delayed as long as possible, as long as there appeared to be any prospect of making any progress along the particular road in question. It would be abandoned only when it was no longer. possible to cling to it. Thereupon, the Bolsheviks would rush into another plan.

61，布尔什维克们被迫尝试创造类似于计划经济的东西。然而，计划经济需要的内容比写出一份计划更多——没有什么更简单。计划经济同时也需要系统性的和一致的执行。只有这些被实现之后，我们才能讨论计划经济。这在苏维埃俄国从来没被实现过，然而，也不可能被实现，因为任何成功计划需要的先决条件是不存在的。失败是很明显的，因为所有写出来的计划都建立在犹豫和没有准备的基础上。当一个计划成为行动时，它的缺陷就会显现出来，修改计划就是有必要的，最终计划被丢弃。自然的，丢弃计划的决定会被尽可能推迟，他们尽可能的表现的在出现问题的道路上取得进展。只有在计划无法再被固守时才会被丢弃。然后，布尔什维克们就会迅速选择另一份计划。

This constant change of plans in Soviet Russia, is, therefore, no mere accident. It is the inevitable consequence of the original sin of Bolshevism, which imagined that it could regenerate the world by means of a coup d’etat carried out with the assistance of a few thousand soldiers and sailors.

62，因此，在苏维埃俄国，计划经常改变并不是一个偶然。这是布尔什维克主义的原罪的直接后果，他们想像可以在上千士兵和水兵的帮助下发动政变以拯救这个世界。

What we see in Russia is not planned economy but an economy of plans, an unbroken succession of plans, which characterizes Bolshevism from its very beginning. These projects are frequently colossal, but each is only begun, none is carried calmly to a conclusion, being constantly modified, abridged, altered, until it is found inadequate and “improved” by a new one or abandoned. What we find in Soviet Russia is ordre, contre-ordre, desordre, or arrangement, rearrangement, disarrangement.

63，我们看到，俄国并不是计划经济，而是一堆计划组成的经济，一堆无法打破的继承性的计划，这从一开始就成为了布尔什维克主义的特征。这些项目经常是庞大的，每一个都只是被开始，没有一个是冷静总结的结果，经常被修改，削减，扭曲，直到被发现不适合然后被“改进”成一个新计划或被丢弃。我们在俄国发现的是秩序，反秩序，混乱，或者是安排，重新安排，拒绝安排。

But has not the dictatorship in Russia some real successes to its credit? Has it not industrialized and collectivized the nation’s economy and “altered thereby, not only the face of the Soviet Union but of the world, thus rendering the greatest service of our time so far as the future is concerned?”

64，但是在俄国的独裁者们就完全没有真正成功的计划吗？他们不是对国家经济进行了工业化和集体化，并且“不仅修改了苏联的面貌，更改变了世界的面貌，因此进行了迄今为止我们这一时代内最伟大的服务，就像被考虑的未来一样”？

The construction program carried out under Stalin’s reign is by no means unprecedented. Other rulers before Stalin who commanded the services of large masses of docile, helpless labor whom they sacrificed mercilessly to their plans were able, even in primitive times, to build huge edifices which roused astonishment, edifices the construction of which was brought about by tremendous sacrifices and expenditures of human lives, and which did not, however, move the “leader” in the least. The builders of the pyramids have been cited in this connection. The Roman Caesars and the Rajahs of India astonished the world with similar remarkable performances by using the labor of millions of cheap slaves over whom they held sway. Nor did they confine themselves to luxury construction. The Roman Caesars built not only great amphitheatres and bath-houses but also very fine roads connecting all parts of the great empire, water systems, etc. Many persons who admire these accomplishments fail to realize that because they rested on slave labor they led ultimately to the destruction of the state.

65，在斯大林的统治下进行的建设项目并不是史无前例的。其他在斯大林之前的统治者们，命令大量温顺，无助的劳工们提供服务，他们被无情的牺牲在统治者们的计划上，甚至在原始时代，去建立巨大的令人惊讶的建筑，这些建筑的建设是基于对人类生命的巨大牺牲和耗费上的，然而，这并没有最小程度的感动这些“领导者”。金字塔的建设者们在这一联系中被提起。罗马的凯撒们和印度的沙贾汗们用类似的留下印记的表现震惊了世界，而这是通过使用他们统治下的几百万便宜的奴隶劳动力实现的。他们也没有把这种奢侈的建设局限在他们自己身上。罗曼沙皇们不仅建造了巨大的圆形剧场和澡堂，而且建造了将大帝国的所有部分连接在一起的高质量的道路，供水系统，等等。很多赞美这些成就的人没有意识到的是，因为他们依靠奴隶劳动，他们导致了国家完全毁灭。

The Pharaohs of Egypt and the despots of Babylonia and India built not only great palaces, temples, mausoleums but also huge works, dams, reservoirs and canals without which agriculture could not endure. Marx characterized these works as part of the material foundations of the despotism of those regions (Capital Volksausgabe, p.453). He did not regard them as the material basis of a socialist society.

66，埃及的法老和巴比伦和印度的暴君们不仅建造了巨大的宫殿，寺庙，陵墓，而且还建造了巨大的工程，水坝，水库，运河，没有这些农业就无法发展。马克思认为这些工程是哪些地区的暴君统治的部分物质基础(Capital Volksausgabe, p.453)，他并没有将这些当成是社会主义社会的物质基础。

The fact that the present rulers of the Kremlin follow these examples of Asiatic despots does not signify, a fundamental change in the face of the world. Neither the brutality of the rulers nor the enslavement of the ruled is altered by these achievements. It is not technical and economic innovations but the human aspects of a society that matters. Many see only the construction of plants and collectives, but fail to perceive the rise of a new aristocracy which controls these new means of production and exploits them for its own purposes. Above this aristocracy stands the nobility of members of the Communist Party, and still higher in power is the aristocracy of the political police, holding in its power the officialdom and party members.

67，事实是，克里姆林现在的统治者们追随着这些亚洲独裁者们的例子，这并不意味着是这个社会的面貌的基础改变。在这些成就中，统治者的残暴没有改变，被统治者受奴役的现实也没有改变。这并不是技术和经济的创新，而是人类社会中早就在起作用的元素。很多人只看到设施的建立和集体化，但是没有看出新的贵族统治的崛起，这些新贵族们控制了这些新的生产资料，为了他们自己的目的剥削奴隶们。在贵族统治之上是共产党的高贵的成员们，拥有更高权力的是政治警察的贵族统治，他们对官员和党的成员拥有权力。（备注：这一段分析得太好了！独裁之下的所谓成果和古代暴君们拿来给自己享用的剧院澡堂之类的并没有本质区别，而苏联的国家资本主义极权事实上制造出了一批贵族们，现在的中国也是如此。）

But all of these elements of the aristocracy, each endowed with special privileges, are subject to the rule of the highest central authority in the state, headed for the moment by Stalin. He gives and he takes away. He raises those who please him to positions of influence and power and he hurls those who displease him into oblivion. The old nobility obtained its land, after the system of ownership had been definitely established, neither from princes nor from the Czar, and from time to time it ventured to exhibit discontent. In a modern dictatorial state this is impossible. Its aristocracy consists entirely of servile elements, lacking all character and independence.

68，但是这一贵族统治中的所有元素，每一个都被赋予了特别的特权，都服从于国家中的最高中央机关的统治，当时的头目是斯大林。他给予，他拿走。他提拔了那些帮助他达到有影响力和权力的位置的人，把那些让他不高兴的人扔到湮灭中。老贵族们获得了土地，在系统的所有权被清晰建立之后，这不来自王子也不来自沙皇，而是来自不停的冒险表示不满。在一个现代独裁国家这是不可能的。它的贵族统治完全来自当奴才，缺乏所有个性和独立性。

The privileged elements themselves are divided into various categories. This is no mere accident. The rule of a minority over the great majority requires for its preservation not only bloody terror but the splitting up of the population, in accordance with the old principle: divide and rule. For this reason, the Communist dictatorship instills into the workers the feeling that they are a ruling class favored by the regime as against the peasants, while within the working class itself elements and individuals of particularly ignoble servility are treated as pets and accorded special privileges. In this manner there has been set up, after the destruction of the old classes, a new differentiation of classes, a hierarchy headed by a Pope.

69，他们自己的特权元素被分割为许多类别。这并不是偶然。少数人对大部分人的统治不仅需要血腥的恐怖，而且需要分裂民众，根据旧的原则：分而治之。因为这个，共产党独裁给工人们灌输了他们是被政权喜欢的统治阶级的幻觉，这是为了对抗农民，而在工人阶级内部，个体中的特别的奴才们被当成宠物，并被给予特别的特权。在这一方式下，在旧的阶级被毁灭之后，新的不同的阶级被建立起来了，这是一个教皇为头目的等级制。

The fruit of the Bolshevist regime has been the establishment of a new class rule. The Bolsheviks, to be sure, have destroyed the -old classes, but new classes, new elements of aristocracy have arisen under their regime. They have arisen of necessity from the conditions of the Bolshevist dictatorship, although they may be invisible at first glance because they had not been foreseen in Bolshevist ideology and phraseology. But they are there, nevertheless. They are striking ever deeper root and are becoming in ever increasing measure the determining factor in the actions and aspirations of Bolshevism. Its ultimate Communist objective is becoming more and more a matter of decoration, a mere memory or allurement for Socialist idealists whom the dictator seeks to utilize for his own purposes.

70，布尔什维克政权的果实是建立了一个新的阶级统治。可以确定的是，布尔什维克们摧毁了旧政权，但是在他们的政权下新的阶级，新的贵族统治的元素崛起了。他们从布尔什维克独裁的环境中必然的崛起了，虽然他们也许第一眼看来是隐形的因为他们在布尔什维克的意识形态和用语中没有被预言出现。但是他们在那里，一直存在。他们深深的扎根了，并在越来越大的程度上决定了布尔什维克主义的行动和愿望。共产党员们的最终目标变得越来越像是个装饰，一个社会主义理想家们的记忆或诱惑，而独裁者则寻求利用这一目标来为他自己的目的服务。

The old Bolsheviks who took their Communism seriously and who have ventured to oppose the new aristocratic institutions have either been rendered helpless by the beneficiaries of the system or have been jailed, exiled and in many cases executed. Others who have escaped being corrupted by the system, have retired in disgust to finish their lives in sulky silence. A large number of the old Bolsheviks, however, have succumbed to the dictator and have degenerated from the level of revolutionists to the low estate of servile courtiers. Erstwhile Communists who preached the doctrine of equality have become the parvenus of a climbing parry hierarchy, archbishops and cardinals of the pope of the Bolshevist church. The new generation of Communists however, consists, for the most part, of conscienceless careerists, whose Communism is limited to mere lip service and whose activities are devoted solely to the attainment of power and the privileges it implies. Acquisition and retention of these privileges is their only aim.

71，那些严肃对待他们的共产主义理想的老布尔什维克们和那些冒险反对新贵族统治的机构的人，要么被在系统的受益者的压迫下变得无助，或者被囚禁，驱逐，在很多案例中被处决。（备注：这里说的是托洛茨基和其他左派反对派的遭遇。）那些逃离了被系统腐化的命运的其他人，被迫以退休作为掩护，并在愤怒的沉默中结束生命。然而，旧布尔什维克们中的很大数量的人，屈服于独裁者，并从革命者的层次退化到了奴才臣子的低层次。往昔的共产主义者们，那些传播平等信条的人，成为了攀爬招架等级制的暴发户，布尔什维克教堂的大主教和红衣主教。然而，这一新世代的共产主义者们，一致的，最大部分的，成为了无意识的野心家，他们的共产主义被限定在嘴巴上，他们的行动单纯是为了获得权力和权力提供的特权。获得和维持这些特权是他们仅有的目标。

Not the abolition of all classes but the substitution of new classes for the old has been the outcome of the Bolshevist revolution of 1917, as it was of the French Revolution of 1789. Then, too, the revolutionists had failed to note that in abolishing the differentiations of classes they had failed to create a system of universal freedom, equality and fraternity, but had merely facilitated the rise of a new class society.

72，1917年布尔什维克革命带来的不是所有阶级的消失，而是新阶级的替换，就像1789年的法国大革命一样。然后，同样的，革命者们没有意识到在消除阶级之间的差异的过程中，他们没能建立一个拥有普遍自由，平等和博爱的系统，而是促进了新的阶级社会的形成。

 

Notes

1. Written in 1933. – Ed.

2. Of Mehemet Ali, Viceroy of Egypt (1797-1849), it is reported: “Mehemet Ali made himself the sole land owner and agriculturist as well as the sole industrialist of his realm. The cotton and silk produced in the land were turned into manufactures by the fellah slaves in the factories of the viceroy. Only from these factories were the inhabitants permitted to draw their necessities.” (Flathe: The Period of Revolution and Restoration, p.376.)

https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch06.htm

经济民主这一概念即便对于很多左派来说也是非常陌生的，但有一本书对经济民主制度进行了详细介绍，就是《After Capitalism》，作者为David Schweickart，芝加哥 Loyola 大学的哲学教授。注意，此书只有英文版。下载链接：https://libgen.pw/item/detail/id/407355?id=407355

在这篇文章中我会先摘录部分内容，对经济民主制度进行初步介绍，至于全书翻译，那要等我在翻译完《社会民主主义对抗共产主义》之后再说了，毕竟我不是神仙啊，哈哈。有英文基础的左派战友可以尝试阅读，不过我先提醒一下：David Schweickart非常不了解中国，他以为中国是社会主义国家，所以在书中对中国进行了错判，这是非常可惜的一点。同时他对苏联的国家资本主义模式也发生了错判。不过好在这并不影响他的经济民主设想。

书籍内容摘录：

Economic Democracy, like capitalism, can be defined in terms of three ba­sic features, the second of which it shares with capitalism:

经济民主，就像资本主义一样能够被定义为三个基本特性，其中第二种特性是和资本主义共享的：
•
Worker self-management: Each productive enterprise is controlled democratically by its workers.

工人自我管理：每个生产企业都被企业的工人们民主的控制。
•
The market: These enterprises interact with one another and with con­sumers in an environment largely free of governmental price controls.
Raw materials, instruments of production, and consumer goods are all bought and sold at prices largely determined by the forces of supply and demand.

市场：这些企业和其他企业以及消费者在摆脱政府价格控制的环境中交易。原材料，生产工具，消费资料都用被供求力量决定的价格购买。
•
Social control of investment: Funds for new investment are generated by a capital assets tax and are returned to the economy through a net­work of public investment banks.

投资的社会控制：新的投资所需的基金来源于资产税，通过公共投资银行组成的网络还给经济。

这是一个简化的模型，实际上经济民主制度要比这一模型复杂得多，而政府在经济民主制度中发挥着关键性的作用，投资的社会控制就是由民选政府部门负责管理执行的。此外，政府也负责提供捍卫所有人的人权的福利国家制度，全民公费教育，全民公费医疗，全民公费养老，生育补贴，儿童抚养补贴以及社会化抚养机构（例如公立托儿所），可负担的住房，为失业的人提供工作，保证所有人都能获得工作。（以上均概括自《after capitalism》中关于经济民主的章节。注意，David Schweickart是反对基本收入的，他认为权利和责任对等，而获得政府福利保护的有工作能力的人需要承担责任，就是进行工作，但资本主义为了利润最大化必然会制造失业大军以压低工资和控制工人，而在社会主义中，政府的责任是为那些没有工作的人提供一份合适的工作。在经济民主下，工人对利润分配有决策权，这会成为一种很大的工作动力，但经济民主本身并不保证所有人都能获得工作，当然，经济民主也不会像资本主义那样故意制造失业大军。）

In essence, a firm under Economic Democracy is regarded not as a thing to be bought or sold (as it is under capitalism) but as a community. When you join a firm, you receive the rights of full citizenship; you are granted an equal voice, namely, an equal vote in the community. When you leave one firm and join another, these rights transfer. With rights come responsibilities,in this case the responsibilities of paying the capital assets tax and maintain­ing the value of the assets you are using.

本质上来说，经济民主下的企业并不被当作一种可以被买卖的物品（而在资本主义下企业是可被买卖的物品），而是一个社区。当你加入一个企业时，你得到了完全的公民权；你获得了平等的发言权，意思是，社区中的平等的一票。当你离开一个企业然后加入另一个时，这些权利也相应转移过去。权利和责任是对应的，在这一案例中责任是缴纳资本税和维护你使用的资产。

In Economic Democracy, investment funds are generated in a more direct and transparent fashion. We simply tax the capital assets of enterprises­land, buildings, and equipment. This tax, a flat rate tax, may be regarded as a leasing fee paid by the workers of the enterprise for use of social property that belongs to all.

在经济民主中，投资基金通过更直接和透明的方式产生。我们简单的对企业土地，建筑，和设备收取资本税。这种税收，一种扁平税率的税收，被当成是企业工人们为了使用属于所有人的社会财产而付的租金。

Receipts from the capital assets tax constitute the national investment fund, all of which is earmarked for new investment. (“New investment” is simply investment over and above that financed by enterprises directly from their own depreciation funds.) All new investment derives from this fund. In stark contrast to capitalism, Economic Democracy does not depend on pri­vate savings for its economic development.

这些资本税被收取到国家投资基金中，作为新的投资的专项。（“新投资”是一种直接资助给企业的简单投资，直接来自于他们自己的折旧资金。）与资本主义相反的是，经济民主并不依赖私人储蓄来进行经济发展。

The National Legislature国家立法机关
..
Determines the capital assets tax rate.决定资产税税率。
..
Decides how much of the investment fund is to be used for cap­ital spending on public projects national in scope.在国家层面上决定公共工程需要使用多少投资基金（剩余的被分配到地方）
(The rest is allocated to the regions.)

Regional Legislatures地方立法机关
..
Decide how much of their portion of the investment fund is to be used for capital spending on public projects regional in scope. (The rest is allocated to their communities.)在地方层面上决定需要使用多少投资基金进行公共工程（剩余的被分配到社区）

Local Legislatures本地立法机关
..
Decide how much of their portion of the investment fund is to be used for capital spending on public projects in their com­munities. (The rest is allocated to their banks.)决定在社区公共工程上使用多少投资基金（剩余的被分配到他们的银行中）

Banks银行
..
Decide which grant requests from local firms to honor.决定从当地公司获得哪些资助请求。
..
Set up entrepreneurial divisions to encourage the setting up of new businesses.设立企业的分支机构，以鼓励进行新的商业活动。
..
Decide what new enterprises to fund.决定资助哪些新企业。

I’m also uncomfortable with the ethical principle invoked here, which allows an able-bodied person to claim a right to the fruits of other peo­ple’s labor, without being obliged to contribute anything in return. Social­ists have long argued that income from capital derives from the unpaid la­bor of those who work-and hence is exploitative. As we saw in chapter 2, this criticism is essentially correct. So long as work is not fun-which it is not for most people, nor will it magically become so under Economic Democracy socialists should insist on a measure of reciprocity. To my way of thinking, it is far better, ethically and programmatically, to target public funds to basic health care, child care, education, and retirement, while at the same time guaranteeing decent jobs for all able-bodied citi­zens whose ages fall within an agreed-upon span, than to guarantee everyone an unconditional level of support, even those who can but don’t want to engage in paid labor.

我也对其中的道德原则感到不舒服，基本收入允许了身体健全有工作能力的人获得了拿取其他人的劳动果实的权利，而不被要求回报任何东西。社会主义者们很长时间以来都在争辩说资本的收入来自于没有被付工资的工人们的劳动——因此这是剥削。就像我们在第二章所看到的那样，这一批判是非常正确的。（第二章是对资本主义制度的分析）。很长时间以来工作都不是令人开心的——对于大部分人来说都是不开心的，在经济民主下也不会魔术般得变得开心——社会主义者们应该坚持礼尚往来。我的思考是，从道德上和实际操作上来说，将公共资金花在基本医疗服务，儿童抚养，教育，和退休上，同时保证所有年龄在定义的范围内的有工作能力的公民们获得一份合适的工作，比保证每个人甚至是那些能够但不想成为付钱劳动力的人都获得一份无条件的支持，要好很多。

In fact, we can respond to these doubts with empirical findings that are as unambiguous as one would dare hope, given the complexity and signifi­cance of the issue. There is overwhelming evidence, based on scores of stud­ies of thousands of examples, that both worker participation in management and profit sharing tend to enhance productivity, and that worker-run enter­prises are almost never less productive than their capitalist counterparts.They are often more so.

事实上，我们可以对这些怀疑用一个人敢希望的明确的实证结果进行反驳，它们在这一问题上是复杂的和显著的。这里有压倒性的证据，它们基于对上千实例的研究分析，工人们在管理和利润分配上的参与会增强产能，而工人们运作的企业几乎不比他们的资本主义对手产能低。他们经常产能更高。

As to the efficiency effects of greater worker participation, the HEW study of 1973 concludes, “In no instance of which we have evidence has a major effort to increase employee participation resulted in a long-term decline in productivity.” Nine years later, surveying their empirical studies, Derek Jones and Jan Svejnar report, “There is apparently consistent support for the view that worker participation in management causes higher productivity. This re­sult is supported by a variety of methodological approaches, using diverse data and for disparate time periods.” In 1990, a collection of research papers edited by Princeton economist Alan Blinder extends the data set much fur­ther and reaches the same conclusion: worker participation usually en­hances productivity in the short run, sometimes in the long run, and rarely has a negative effect. Moreover, participation is most conducive to enhanc­ing productivity when combined with profit sharing, guaranteed long-range employment, relatively narrow wage differentials, and guaranteed worker rights (such as protection from dismissal except for just cause)–precisely the conditions that will prevail under Economic Democracy.（8）

更高的工人参与程度的效果是很明显的，1973年的HEW研究总结说，“ 没有证据表明增加雇员参与会导致长期的产能降低。”九年后，调查研究他们的实例，Derek Jones和Jan Svejnar报告说，“实例显然一致的支持工人参与管理提升产能。这一结论受到各种使用多种数据的和不同时间周期的不同研究方法的研究支持。”在1990年，一系列Princeton经济学家Alan Blinder编写的研究论文大大扩展了数据集合，得出了相同的结论：工人参与经常在短期内增加产能，有时在长期内增加产能，几乎没有副作用。更多时候，利润分配与保证长期雇佣结合参与是最有力于提升产能的，缩小工资差距，保证工人权利（例如不被解雇，除了有正当理由）——很显然这一条件会在经济民主下变得更好。

8. Citations in this paragraph are from U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Work in America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1973), 1 12; and Derek Jones and Jan Svejnar, eds., Participatory and Self-Managed Firms: Evaluating EconomiC Performance (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1982), 11. See also Alan Blinder, ed., Paying for Productivity: A Look at the Evidence (Washington, D.C.: Brookings,1990), especially the contribution by David Levine and Laura Tyson.

在经济民主下人们的收入当然还是会有差距，因为本身人们创造出来的财富就是不同的，但是不会像资本主义那样因为剥削和对生产资料的私人霸占而产生极大的贫富差距。经济民主更不会像资本主义那样为了利润最大化而不顾任何后果，疯狂的四处破坏环境，而那些资本家们却躲在环境优美的避税天堂里逍遥自在。人民已经证明了自己在政治民主上的能力，而政治民主的经验也会为经济民主提供有价值的参考。经济民主并不是空想，而是一个可到达的未来，一个社会主义者们为了从资本主义的魔爪下拯救人类和这个地球而设想并努力去实现的未来。

【關注合作社】世界最大的工人合作社：蒙德拉貢
文／潘毅 @破土工作室

【編者按】 今年「五一」，英國《衛報》報道了歐洲出現的工人接管倒閉工廠的新聞，引起人們對合作社運動的關注。次貸危機和歐債危機後，工人們拒絕接受工廠關閉自己失業的現實，自己接管了工廠。在法國，2010年以來平均每年有30家以小公司為主的企業變成了工人合作社。在西班牙，僅2013年一年就有大約75家企業被其前員工接管。據統計，目前歐洲有大約500家倒閉的工廠被前員工接管，它們大多數集中在西班牙，也有一些位於法國、意大利、希臘和土耳其。馬克思曾高度肯定過合作工廠，認為其「是在舊形式內對舊形式打開的第一個缺口」，證明了資本主義制度將被生產者聯合的制度所代替的可能性。 如今，合作社運動發展得如何了？這種新的社會經濟形式在資本主義的包圍下能生存下去嗎？破土編選了幾篇相關文章，以供參考。

西班牙工人合作社系統——蒙德拉貢是目前世界上最大的工人合作社，擁有257家公司和合作社，已經成為西班牙第十大集團。截至2014年，它有7萬名合作社成員，企業分布在五大洲，2014年收入達到125億歐元。他們的業務無所不包，現在已經發展成為跨行業合作制聯合體。

從2008年開始的世界性經濟危機對西班牙的經濟造成了極大的破壞性影響，失業率一直在20%的水平居高不下，但是蒙德拉貢合作社中，卻沒有一個工人在這場經濟危機中失業。

在全球化的浪潮和資本主義的夾擊中，蒙德拉貢的存在既像一個孤島，又像一個奇跡。自從它在1950年代成立以來，它的聲譽傳遍國際，類似的模式也在英格蘭、威爾斯、與美國發展起來。蒙德拉貢的經驗，對於解決當下歐洲工人的失業問題、中國新生代農民工的問題，都有很大的參考價值。

【蒙德拉貢的由來】

蒙德拉貢系統是由一位天主教神父何塞·瑪麗亞·阿里斯門迪 (Don Jos’e Maria Arizmendi)所創立。1941年神父第一次來到蒙德拉貢這個被西班牙內戰毀壞的市鎮，1943年，想要解決當地就業問題的他，為沒有機會接受教育的工人子弟建立了一所初級技術學校。

1956年，這所學校第一屆的五位畢業生在他的教導之下，創建了一家生產煤油爐的小型合作社工廠，工人本身有擁有權及管理權。這個工廠便是今天蒙德拉貢的核心合作社——法哥合作社（FAGOR）的前身。

1956年恰逢西方資本主義的發展期，因此給了蒙德拉貢一定的市場空間。神父想要從互助免除剝削關係，創立一種新的優於資本主義的生產方式。蒙德拉貢地區在西班牙屬於分裂分子盤踞的邊緣地帶，當地的主流文化和生活習慣與西班牙大多數地區都不一樣，政府和市場都忽略了它，而這也成為它發展的土壤。起初，蒙德拉貢僅有一萬多人，毫無基礎設施。蒙德拉貢人在一種沒有國家支持的艱難情況下開始了他們的工業化。

1959年，蒙德拉貢建立了他們的第一家勞動者銀行。這家銀行奠定了蒙德拉貢發展的基礎，發揮中央銀行的角色，去支持新合作社的成立，並且鼓勵研發。他們負責了合作社內部的全部社會福利制度。銀行的雄厚實力來源於蒙德拉貢所有合作社的個人賬戶都存在這裡。只要成員進入合作社，除非選擇退出，否則個人賬戶上的工資、養老金等都不能從銀行取出。因此企業的盈余和個人的盈余都在銀行裡。

1959年他們開始建立社會福利的制度，1964年後，他們進一步成立了一個跨合作社聯盟，鼓勵合作社內部建立市場。1991年，為適應歐洲統一市場的競爭環境，該地區的眾多合作社又聯合起來，組建了蒙德拉貢聯合公司（簡稱MCC）。目前，MCC已發展成為集工業、農業和農產品加工業、商業、金融、教育和培訓、科研和信息、服務等100多家合作社為一體的跨行業合作制聯合體。成為歐洲乃至世界最大的合作社集團。

現在這個合作社系統裡包括有83個工業合作社，1個信用社，8個教育合作社、4個農業合作社、1個消費合作社，10個研究合作社，7個服務合作社，至今這整個系統的凈值達數十億美元。

【所有勞動者都是所有者】

發展至今，蒙德拉貢靠的是堅持「合作、參與、社會責任和創新」四個價值觀。

蒙德拉貢合作社的社員既是勞動者，又是所有者，社員利益與企業發展榮辱與共、休戚相關。參加蒙德拉貢合作社的工人都集體擁有並控制這個企業，施行工人民主管理，通過每年的社員大會來決定誰擔任管理職務。生產什麽、如何生產、在哪裡生產和利潤如何使用等一切基本決策掌握在工人手裏。

蒙德拉貢工人合作社堅持參與管理，警惕官僚主義，堅持生產者和所有者不能分離。財富的分配是建立在團結的基礎上，所謂「團結經濟」就是對社會有參與，對工廠有認同。蒙德拉貢工人合作社絕不生產不環保、沒有用的產品，堅持自身的生存價值和文化。

為了讓社員盡可能不喪失對企業的控制，蒙德拉貢還規定了每個合作社的人數，一旦合作社人數膨脹到一定數量，就強行拆分成小合作社。

蒙德拉貢有著寬松的加入和自由的退出機制，靠自身的優越性來吸引成員。2008年經濟危機，所有企業都在裁員的時候，蒙德拉貢堅持不裁合作社成員。在內部管理上，它堅持高度的自主權，依靠內部的民主管理制度，主權歸所有勞動者所有。在資本使用上，蒙德拉貢把資本當做工具，同時又控制工資差距。起初，蒙德拉貢的最高與最低工資之間不得超過1：3，現在逐步調整到1：8。

互利合作、內部交換也是蒙德拉貢的核心精神之一，與一些大型資本主義企業不同，蒙德拉貢不鼓勵競爭，鼓勵內部合作、技術共享，建立良性的內部合作機制。它尊重勞動者的勞動價值，不因為產品本身的價值而產生工資上的差距。

蒙德拉貢合作社來自底層，初衷是解決這個小鎮的生存。為了贏得市場，他們要實現生產的產品要比市場上的性價比更好，證明工人合作社機制比資本主義更優越。1974年，蒙德拉貢的職業學校變成研究中心，專注產品研發，並逐漸發展成為今日的蒙德拉貢大學。

在合作社運作過程中還堅持以下十個基本原則，正是這十項原則讓蒙德拉貢在堅持初衷和確保發展上尋求平衡：

自由加入。MCC向所有能夠證明自己勝任合作社工作的人開放；不同宗教信仰、不同政治觀點、不同民族和不同性別的人，在加入合作社時，均不受歧視。

民主管理。MCC的最高權力機構是由全體職工組成的社員大會；社員大會遵循「一人一票」制，而無論其投入「股金」多少；MCC所有成員，在占有和了解信息方面權力平等。

勞動者主權。MCC認為，勞動者是改造自然、社會和人類自己最重要的因素，勞動者享有合作社最高權力，包括分配勞動成果的權力。「在MCC工作，勞動不是謀生手段而是樂趣」。

資本處於從屬輔助地位。MCC認為，是勞動創造財富，資本只是一種工具，從屬於勞動，是合作社發展的必要條件；資本的積累應當與個人的貢獻掛鉤。

社員參與管理。MCC的民主辦社理念，不僅體現於入社資格的開放性方面，而且還體現在建立和形成了良好的社員參與機制等方面，使所有社員實行自我管理並通過多種渠道參與合作社管理工作。

報酬的一致性。MCC內各合作社實行統一的工資確定方法；合作社按工作崗位、工作業績的不同，制定不同的工資標準，以體現社員對合作社的貢獻；MCC還可以通過橫向調劑，確保所屬合作社或子集團間社員工資水平不會出現太大差別。從整體看，MCC普通員工的工資高於社會平均水平，而領導層工資則低於社會的平均水平。在公司內部，薪金最大差距是1：4（在大多數合作社），有些調到了1:8。

合作社之間的合作。MCC認為，為了實施「一致性原則」和提高效益，必須建立合作社之間的合作機制。MCC通過建立統一的和可以流動的勞動制度，以及實行生產經營上的協作，促進內部利益共享。MCC與巴斯克自治區的其他合作社開展合作，促進共同發展。MCC還與西班牙、歐盟和世界各地的合作社進行廣泛的合作，促進了合作社運動的全面發展。

推動社會變革。MCC致力於以合作社為主的各項活動，為社區經濟的發展和社會進步作出貢獻。包括：創造新的就業機會、建立符合合作制原則和社會保障制度，並與當地經濟、社會組織密切合作，創辦公益事業等。

普遍合作。MCC在社會經濟各個領域，主張實現和平、公正和發展的目標，主張縮小貧富差別。

發展教育。MCC的創業者們認為，要想使合作社得到發展壯大，必須要有高素質的領導和員工。為此，需要投入必要的人力、財力和物力，來開展各方面的教育和培訓；通過對合作社成員的培訓，讓他們深入了解合作社的原則和制度，提高他們的專業素質和水平。

【留下來就是成功】

蒙德拉貢也在理想與現實，以及來自左右派的批評夾擊中艱難生存著。左派認為他們是改良主義，沒有參與到更前線的工人運動中去。右派則直接批評他們違背了資本生產的邏輯。

1986年，西班牙加入了歐盟，西歐的資本大量進入，移民工生產成本大大降低。90年代，蒙德拉貢遇到全球化的更大危機，為了不在全球化強大的資本動力下倒閉，以及本土合作社的工人不失業，蒙德拉貢聘請了大批雇傭工人，非合作社工人的比例越來越高。目前，蒙德拉貢雖然仍保有7萬人，但比起高峰期的10萬人已經出現了下降。蒙德拉貢也在中國投資設廠，但因為無法納入蒙德拉貢的內部合作體系、法律制度障礙等等原因，這些工廠都不是合作社性質的。

面對批評，蒙德拉貢人直言，站在道德高地上批評很容易，但當項目落地，就必須考慮很多實際的狀況。1956年到1986年，蒙德拉貢僅倒閉三家工廠，這是同時期以美國為代表的其他國家的工廠倒閉率所無法比擬的。為了保證西班牙本地合作社工人不失業，只能犧牲在中國等其他地區工人的利益。資本本身沒有屬性，它只是工具，關鍵看人怎樣利用。一方面，沒有資本就無法存活，另一方面，蒙德拉貢人又要小心翼翼地處理與資本的關係，以免被資本吞噬。

在全球化之前蒙德拉貢也許還可以存活，但是現在似乎越來越難。如何處理中國工人和西班牙合作社的困境？目前看來沒有完美的答案。但，「每個階段都是鬥爭過來的，我們需要不斷反思，留下來就是一種成功。」MCC認為。

https://www.inmediahk.net/node/1034443

5. The Communist International

5，共产国际

Wherein do the Russian people differ from other peoples of our capitalist civilization? First of all, of course, in their economic and political backwardness. As a result of this backwardness any Socialist party in present-day Russia would be unavoidably driven to the methods of utopianism and dictatorship if it were placed in power by the force of extraordinary circumstances, without support of the majority of the population, and if its own illusions impelled it to undertake the immediate task of building Socialism. Therein lies the explanation of the Bolshevik methods in Russia. The experiments of the utopian Socialists in Western Europe a hundred years ago were likewise impelled by the insufficient development of the working class in their countries. The methods of both the old utopians and the Bolsheviks are not mere accidents, but derive their logic from immature conditions. But this explanation offers just as little proof now as it did in the time of the utopians that these methods can lead to the desired aim. To prove the wisdom of the Bolshevik methods one would have to prove first that the Russian workers possess some peculiar inherent socialist powers which the workers of Western Europe lack. So far the existence of such powers has not been established.

1，俄国人民和其他在我们的资本主义文明下的人民有什么不同呢？首先，当然是，他们的经济和政治上的落后。作为落后的结果，任何社会主义政党如果他们在特殊情况下，在没有多数人民支持的情况下获得权力，如果他们自己的幻想是立刻完成建设社会主义的任务，都会在今天的俄国无法避免的趋向于乌托邦和独裁。这就是对布尔什维克在俄国的模式的解释。一百年前西欧的乌托邦社会主义者的实验同样受到了在他们国家没有有效发展的工人阶级们的推动。老乌托邦主义者的模式和布尔什维克的模式的重叠并不是巧合，而是来源于他们在不成熟状态下产生的逻辑。但是这一解释几乎没有在现在提供证据证明这些手段能够实现目标，同样在乌托邦主义者所在的时期也没有提供证据证明能够实现目标。为了证明布尔什维克模式的智慧之处，一个人需要首先证明俄国工人们表现出了一些奇特的内在的社会主义力量，而这种力量是西欧工人们缺少的。迄今为止这种力量还没能被证明存在。

This in fact was the view held by Lenin himself as late as 1918. He believed that the revolution in Russia would be the signal for a social revolution in Western capitalist countries, and that only the establishment of a Socialist order in these countries could furnish the direction and the means for Socialist construction in Russia. Lenin undertook this construction in the hope of a world revolution which, according to his belief, was to break out immediately.

2，事实上，这是列宁自己在1918年晚期的时候持有的观点。他相信在俄国的革命会成为在西方资本主义国家发生的社会革命的信号，只有这些国家中建立的社会主义秩序才能提供给俄国社会主义建设的方向。列宁承诺这一建设是世界革命的希望，而根据他的信念，世界革命会立即爆发。

In this he was deceived. Instead of the world revolution came civil war in Russia. This war helped to some extent in the establishment of a militarized state economy. This, indeed, is the result of every war, even in capitalist countries, if the war is of long duration and demands great sacrifices. But this compulsory economy can by no means be regarded as a higher, socialist economy. It is only a temporary measure necessitated by an extreme emergency.

3，他撒谎了。与世界革命相反的是，俄国爆发了内战。这场战争帮助扩展了军事化国家经济的建立。这是任何一场战争中的结果，甚至在资本主义国家中也是如此，如果战争持续时间很长然后要求巨大的牺牲。但是这种义务经济和社会主义经济一点关系也没有。这只是一种在极端紧急的情况下必要的临时措施。

When the civil war in Russia subsided and all the hopes for a world revolution vanished, doubts began to arise in the minds of the Bolshevist rulers as to whether “military communism” would last long. Lacking a basis in the initiative and discipline of the working class, this new regime could be maintained only with the aid of a bureaucratic apparatus, as unwieldy as it was inefficient, and by means of military discipline in the factories and brutal terrorism practiced by an all-powerful political police throughout the state. “Military communism” resulted in a constant fall of production and brought the country to an ever-growing economic decline.

4，当俄国的内战平息和所有世界革命的希望都消失时，对布尔什维克的“军事共产主义”还能持续多久的怀疑开始增长。缺乏工人阶级的能动性和纪律性基础，这一新政权只能通过官僚机器的协助维持，官僚机器巨大而低效，同时工厂里的军事纪律和握有大权的政治警察的暴力恐怖主义在国家中到处都是。“军事共产主义”导致了生产率的普遍降低，带给这个国家不断恶化的经济衰退。

This was soon recognized by the majority of the Bolsheviks themselves. Lenin created a breach in this Communism by making some concession to private economy (NEP, 1921), and that gave the country a short breathing spell. Lenin himself called it a respite. And, in fact, Russia under “military Communism” was gasping for breath.

5，很快布尔什维克的主流意识到了这点。列宁在这一共产主义中通过对私有经济进行部分让步创造了一个裂口（NEP，1921），这给了这个国家短暂的喘息。列宁自己叫这个为喘息。事实上，俄国在“军事共产主义”下痛苦的喘息着。

Before the war Lenin did not find in the Socialist International the favorable conditions for the promotion of his party dictatorship in Russia. To avoid being isolated he was compelled to accept democracy in the International, not only platonically but in fact. However distasteful he found some decisions of the congresses of the International, he confined himself to criticism, which was his right, but did not venture to defy them.

6，在战争之前列宁发现社会主义国际对他在俄国推行党内独裁并不欢迎。为了避免被鼓励，他被迫接受了社会主义国际中的民主，不仅在嘴上而且在实际上都接受了。然而他发现一些社会国际议会的决定令人反感，他限制自己去批判，这是他的权利，但他没有冒险去违抗它们。

This situation changed after the World War had temporarily halted the functioning of the International. In 1915, a group representing some elements of the International met in Zimmerwald, Switzerland. These were not entirely of the same opinions however. Some wanted to revive the old International, while others proposed the creation of a new, Third International, from which all Socialist parties which did not accept the demands of the founders of the new International were to be excluded. The Bolsheviks, commanded by Lenin, were to form the nucleus of the new body. From the outset, therefore, their object was not to rebuild but to split the International.

7，在世界大战后，社会主义国际的运作被暂时中止了，从而改变了局势。在1915年，一个代表了社会国际中部分元素的组织在瑞士的Zimmerwald会面。然而他们在观点上并不完全一致。一些人希望复活旧的社会主义国际，而另一些人主张创建一个新的第三国际，而任何不承认新国际的建立者的命令的社会主义政党将会被驱逐出去。布尔什维克在列宁的命令下组成核心。从起点来看，因此，他们的目标不是重建国际，而是分裂国际。

The war had hardly come to an end when they undertook to form the new, Third International, in opposition to the old one, which in the meanwhile (1919 had again begun to function. The grandiose experiment undertaken by the Bolsheviks could not help influencing the Socialist parties of the Western countries. These parties, until then united, now split. A part of them enthusiastically joined the Bolsheviks and began to apply their methods in Western Europe and America. This led to the rise of the Communist parties. The majority remained faithful to the old Socialist principles and rejected the Communist methods under all circumstances. As between these two currents there soon appeared a third one. The latter rejects the Bolshevik methods for its own country but believes that these methods axe justified in Russia. Contrary to the democratic structure of the First and Second Internationals, the Third or Communist International, also known as the Comintern, was rigidly dictatorial. It established its permanent seat in Moscow and became merely the tool of the Russian government, which thus obtained a large number of agents abroad, some of them sincere and enthusiastic supporters and others well paid agents, but all of them blind instruments of the Moscow centre without any will of their own.

8，当他们承诺建立一个新的第三国际以反对旧的那个时，战争几乎结束了，同时社会主义国际开始运转（1919）。布尔什维克承诺的雄伟实验无法影响到西方国家的社会主义政党。这些政党直到现在还是联合的，但现在开始分裂了。部分人热情的加入了布尔什维克，然后开始在西欧和美国接受他们的模式。这导致了共产党的崛起。主流保留了对旧的社会主义原则的忠诚，在所有情况下都拒绝了共产党模式。在这两者之间出现了第三种。后者在自己的国家内拒绝了布尔什维克模式，但相信这些模式适合俄国。与第一国际和第二国际的民主架构相反的是，第三或共产党国际，也被称作共产国际，是严格独裁的。它建立时给了莫斯科永久席位，并成为了俄国政府的工具，维持了大批海外间谍，其中一些是真诚和热情的支持者，另一些是雇佣间谍，但是所有人都是莫斯科中心的盲目的工具，没有任何自己的意志。

The times seemed to favor the Soviet rulers. They expected a world revolution which they, the world’s most successful revolutionists, would lead. The dictatorship over Russia was to be extended to a world dictatorship.

9，看起来这一切满足了苏维埃统治者们。他们期待着世界革命，而他们作为世界上最成功的革命者们将会领导革命。俄国的独裁会被扩展为世界的独裁。

But the calculations upon which they based their plans for world domination proved erroneous. Their dictatorship fitted the peculiar conditions then prevailing in Russia but was abhorrent to the peoples of Western civilization. Moreover, even in Russia the Communist dictatorship could assert itself only because of the abnormal conditions which ensued upon the military collapse of 1917.

10，但是他们基于主宰世界的计划的算盘被证明是错误的。他们的独裁适配了俄国广泛存在的特别局势，但是对于西方文明的人民来说是非常可恶的。然而，甚至在俄国共产党的独裁只是因为1917年的军队崩溃之后接踵而至的不正常的局势才树立的。

Only those who never understood the nature of the modern state could have expected a revolution in every belligerent country at the end of the war. Revolutions occurred only in defeated military monarchies. But in these, too, the Communists failed to win. No highly developed working class will accept dictatorship, however proletarian its colors, as instrument of emancipation.

11，只有那些从来没有理解过现代国家的本质的人才会期待在战争结束时每个交战国都会爆发革命。革命只在被击败的军事王国中发生了。不过在这些国家中，共产主义者们也失败了。然而没有哪个高度发展的工人阶级会接受以无产阶级的名义粉饰的，作为解放的工具的独裁。

The idea of a Communist world revolution met with a quite different fate than the Communist dictatorship in Russia. The latter was victorious and has been able to maintain itself unbroken to this day. The former suffered complete failure. But the efforts to put the idea of a Communist world revolution into effect did not pass without trace.

12，关于共产主义世界革命的理念相对于俄国的共产主义独裁来说具有不同的命运。后者成功了，并维持至今（备注：这本书是考茨基在上世纪三十年代时写的）。而前者则完全失败了。但是将共产主义世界革命这一理念变成现实的努力并没有停止。

The Socialist observer outside who failed to look beneath the surface was impressed by the spectacle of the Soviet Republic. Such an observer did not understand that everything that was purely progressive in the new state was merely the execution of that which the other Socialist parties of Russia had already pioneered and prepared. All this they would have carried out through the Constituent Assembly with its overwhelming Socialist majority, under much more favorable conditions, with the enthusiastic participation of the population, and in a manner much more rational than the Bolsheviks have been able to do in the midst of civil war, which they themselves had provoked, with its consequent enormous destruction of productive forces and extensive paralysis of the activity of the people.

13，在外界进行观察的社会主义者没能看到表象下的真相，他们被苏维埃共和国的表象鼓舞了。这样一个观察者并不理解所有那些在新政权内发生的真正进步的一切只是在执行俄国其他社会主义政党已经首创和准备的。所有这些都会由制宪议会的压倒性的社会主义多数实现，在更好的环境下，在热情的人民的参与下，在比布尔什维克在内战中所用的更理性的方式下实现，而内战是他们自己招惹的，后果是巨大的生产力破坏和人民活动的广泛的瘫痪。

The superficial Socialist observer, his wish being father to his thought, likewise failed to understand that under democratic forms the revolution would have led to a speedy rise of the intellectual and economic powers of the people, whereas under the dictatorship even the hopeful beginnings for the development of the masses laid down in decades of struggle under Czarism were shattered. What impressed the superficial observer was the fact that for the first time in history a socialist party had come into power in a state, the largest in Europe.

14，这些浅薄的社会主义观察者，他们的愿望产生了他们的思想，同样没能明白在民主的基础上革命将会导向人民在知识和经济力量上的快速发展，在独裁之下甚至大众在沙俄时期的长期的斗争中的希望的开端也被粉碎了。鼓舞了那些浅薄的观察者的是历史上第一次一个社会主义政党在欧洲最大的国家中夺取了政权这一事实。

For this reason there was at first wide sympathy for Communist Russia in the circles of Western European Socialism. Bolshevism had become strong through dictatorship in the party. It had succeeded in achieving dictatorship in the state. Now it would be satisfied with nothing less than dictatorship over the world proletariat. All those outside of Russia who would not bow to such dictatorship were denounced as enemies, even though they may have looked upon the Communist police dictatorship as quite all right for the Russian proletariat. This failed to satisfy the Moscow dictators. They called upon all Socialists to recognize the wisdom and desirability of this dictatorship for the entire world.

15，由于这一原因，一开始在西欧社会主义的圈子内广泛存在着对共产俄国的同情。布尔什维克通过在政党中的独裁变得强大。他们成功的在国家中实现了独裁。现在他们不会满足于任何事，除了独裁世界上所有无产阶级外。所有那些在俄国之外的不肯对这样的独裁低头的人都会被宣告为敌人，即使他们也许将共产警察独裁看作对俄国无产阶级所做的正确的事。这无法满足莫斯科的独裁者们。他们呼吁所有社会主义者们认识到他们的智慧和独裁整个世界的渴望。

Many refused to go along with Bolshevism to any such point. The Bolsheviks insisted, however, that it was the duty of every worker, and particularly of every Marxist, to submit to their dictatorship. Those who declined to do so were branded as “class enemies, counter-revolutionists, miserable traitors, more dangerous and corrupting than direct class enemies.”

16，很多人拒绝和布尔什维克合作。然而，布尔什维克坚持这是每个工人的责任，特别是要求每个马克思主义者服从他们的独裁。那些拒绝这么做的人被刻上“阶级敌人，反革命，悲惨的叛徒，比直接的阶级敌人更危险和腐化”之类的标签。

The Bolsheviks looked upon the bourgeois parties only as enemies with whom it was possible to negotiate under certain conditions and to conclude an armistice. On the other hand, they regarded the Socialists as cowardly deserters or rascally mutineers, fit to be hung.

17，布尔什维克只把资产阶级政党看做敌人，但它们本可能在特定条件下进行协商从而停战。另一方面，他们把社会主义者们当成懦弱的逃兵或肆意叛变者，应当被绞死。

In this manner the Communists succeeded in weakening very materially the forces of labor in all countries, at a time when the old regimes had collapsed in many states, although no world revolution was to be expected, and when the working class throughout Europe had attained a position of higher significance. By considering their dictatorship more important than the unity of the working class, the Communists split the Socialists parties outside of Russia after the war as they had split the Socialists parties inside Russia before the war. They aggravated this division of the forces of labor by extending the schism into the ranks of the trade unions.

18，在这种方式下共产主义者们成功的在所有国家削弱了劳工的力量，在旧政权在很多国家崩溃的时候，虽然没有世界革命可期待，但当时整个欧洲的工人阶级们获得了更高的地位。认为他们的独裁比团结工人阶级更为重要，共产主义者们在战争结束后分裂了俄国之外的社会主义政党，就像他们在战争爆发前分裂了俄国内的社会主义政党一样。他们通过扩展工会内部的分裂使得工人力量的分裂程度加重了。

The Communist parties which arose outside of Russia as a result of this policy were forbidden to have any views of their own but were obliged to follow blindly the orders of the centre in Moscow. This centre was always very badly informed as to conditions abroad, its mercenary tools and informers reporting the situation not as it really was but as the dictator in Russia wished it to be. Every despot in history was always thus misled by his servile tools. As a consequence, the Communists abroad were frequently drawn into senseless adventures, which brought them severe and often annihilating defeat and which, in turn, were very detrimental in their prolonged repercussions upon the workers of the countries in question.

19，俄国之外的共产党作为这一政策的结果，被禁止拥有任何他们自己的观点，被命令盲目遵从莫斯科中心的命令。这一中心总是对外国的情况了解不足，它们的雇佣工具和间谍并不报告真实情况，而是报告俄国的独裁者希望的情形。历史上美国暴君总是被他的服务工具所误导。后果是，外国的共产主义者们频繁的陷入无意义的冒险中，带来了严重的和经常造成全军覆没的失败，这对于他们在这些国家的工人中间的持续影响是非常有害的。

The ultimate expression of this criminal policy was the fact that whenever a Socialist party found itself engaged in a bitter struggle with the reactionary bourgeois enemy, the Communists not only failed to support the Socialists but stabbed them in the back, thus giving aid and comfort to reaction. Weakening of the forces of labor and strengthening of the enemy was the consequence of the policy of the Communist International. The Communists devoted all their energies to the destruction of the Social Democratic parties, the free trade unions and the cooperatives. This had led, in turn, to the weakening of the revolution and of the labor movement as a whole, and to the triumph of the counter-revolution in all countries where circumstances have favored the rise of dictators operating on the principles governing the dictator in the Kremlin, the principles under which we are asked to reject “all moral and intellectual restraint.” This was neither mere accident nor occasional mistake but the inevitable result of the policy of dictatorship in the party, in the state, in the International begun by Lenin three decades ago, and which had become the foundation stone of his sect.

20，这一有罪的政策的终极表达是造成了这样一个事实，无论什么时候一个社会主义政党发现它们正在与反应过来的资产阶级敌人们艰苦作战，共产主义者们不仅没成功支持他们，而且还在他们的背后捅刀，而不是给予帮助和安慰。削弱了劳工们的力量，增强了敌人的力量，这是共产国际的政策的后果。共产主义者们将他们所有的能量都拿来破坏社会民主政党，自由的独立工会和合作组织了。这导致了革命的削弱和整体工人运动的削弱，和所有那些现状对遵从克里姆林的独裁者的统治原则的独裁者的崛起有利的国家中反革命力量的胜利，这一原则是摆脱“所有道德和知识上的锁链”。这不是巧合，也不是偶然的错误，而是政党内的，国家内的，国际内的独裁政策的必然结果，这被列宁于三十年前开始，并成为了他的教派的基石。

https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch05.htm

4. Lenin and the Russian Revolution of 1917

4，列宁和1917年的俄国革命

The Russian Revolution of March 1917 occurred under circumstances which could not possibly have been more favorable for the socialist parties, even though not for the immediate introduction of Socialism. The czarist governmental machinery was in ruins, the obsolete nobility lay helpless, while the capitalist class, its capital largely of foreign origin, showed itself impotent. All-powerful were only the workers and intellectuals in combination with the peasantry. Among these the Socialists were in overwhelming majority – the Social Revolutionists among the peasants; the Social Democrats, Mensheviks as well as Bolsheviks, among the wage earners and intellectuals.

1,1917年三月发生的俄国革命（备注：即二月革命，俄历为二月）在一个对社会主义政党来说可能不会更合适的环境中发生，即使这环境不是为了马上介绍社会主义而产生的。沙皇政府机器成为了废墟，过时的贵族们孤立无助，而资产阶级们，他们的资本很大程度上来自外国，展示出了他们自己的无能。有力量的只有工人们和与农民联合的知识分子们。在这些人中间社会主义者们是压倒性的多数——农民中的社会主义革命者；在打工仔和知识分子中的社会民主主义者，孟什维克（备注：意思是少数派）和布尔什维克（备注：意思是多数派）。

After the fall of Czarism it appeared self-evident that the various Socialist parties, the Social Democrats and Social Revolutionists would work together in the Soviets, and that the cooperation would embrace both wings of the Social Democracy, Mensheviks and Bolsheviks. And why not? Did not all of them have a common aim: establishment of a democratic republic, the eight hour day, confiscation of the land?

2，在沙皇主义失败之后，这一点是不言而喻的：众多社会主义政党，社会民主主义者和社会革命主义者将会一起在苏维埃（备注：苏维埃的意思是工人和农民议会）中工作，而这一合作将会拥抱社会民主主义的两派，孟什维克和布尔什维克。为什么不呢？难道他们不是都有着共同的目标：建立一个民主共和国，八小时工作制，以及征用土地（备注：意思是土地国有化）吗？

But Lenin disliked intensely any such cooperation with the Socialists. Long before the revolution he had formed his own organization within the Social Democracy. This dual organization was built on military lines and within this organization Lenin had established his own dictatorship. For this reason he had brought about a split in the Russian Social Democracy in 1903 and declared war against all Social Democrats who had refused to pay blind obedience to his leadership.

3，但是列宁非常不喜欢与任何社会主义者进行合作。在革命爆发的很长一段时间之前，他就在社会民主党内建立了他自己的组织。这一双重组织建立在军队标准上，在组织内部列宁建立了他自己的独裁。因为这个他在1903年给俄国社会民主党带来了分裂，向所有拒绝盲目服从他的领导的社会民主主义者宣战。

After the split of 1903 and as late as July, 1914, shortly before the outbreak of the war, Lenin fought bitterly against unity with the Mensheviks. During the war he continued to preach the idea of split not only in the Russian Social Democracy but in the entire Socialist International. For this reason he fought bitterly against any united front of the workers when such a united front became possible after the revolution of 1917.

4，在1903年的分裂和1914年七月，战争爆发的不久之前，列宁残酷的反对与孟什维克联合。在战争期间他持续宣扬不仅将俄国社会民主党分裂而且将整个社会主义国际分裂的思想。因此他残酷的反对任何工人联合阵线，当这样一个联合阵线在1917年的革命中成为可能时。

Lenin was in Switzerland when the revolution of March, 1917, occurred in Russia. He returned to Russia a month after the revolution and found a situation which made him very bitter. Shortly before his arrival there was held an all-Russian conference of Soviets which revealed a very great measure of agreement between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks.

5，在革命于1917年三月于俄国爆发时，列宁在瑞士。在革命爆发一个月之后，他回到了俄国，然后发现了令其非常痛苦的情景。在他到达之前不久，一个所有俄国人的苏维埃会议召开了，而孟什维克和布尔什维克之间达成了共识。

“There followed at the conclusion of the conference a joint meeting of the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks to discuss unity of both factions. These negotiations were stopped through the arrival of Lenin, who succeeded in turning sharply the wheel of Bolshevist policy, although not without stubborn opposition of many influential Bolsheviks.” [1]

6，“在会议结束之后跟着开始了一个孟什维克和布尔什维克的联合会议，讨论两者之间的联合。列宁到达后，他们之间的协商就停止了，列宁成功将布尔什维克的政策变得极端，虽然很多被影响的布尔什维克坚持反对他。”

Lenin’s aim in the Russian Revolution was to destroy not only all organs of self-administration, but also all other parties and social organizations, except his own.

7，列宁在俄国革命中的目标是不仅摧毁所有自治器官，而且摧毁其他所有政党和社会组织，除了他自己的。

To this end he employed falsehood, slander and brutal force against all opponents, among whom he counted all Socialists, except those who were willing to obey his commands. He finally succeeded in smashing all his opponents through his coup d’etat of November 7, 1917.

8，为了实现这一目标，他使用了谎言，诽谤和暴力来反对所有反对者，他针对所有社会主义者，除了那些愿意服从他的命令的人。最终他通过1917年11月7日的政变实现了消灭所有反对者。

Nevertheless, efforts were continued by some to bring about a government of all Socialist parties.

9，多多少少的，一些人继续努力建立一个所有社会主义政党的联合政府。

“At this time Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Rjazanov, Lozowski and other prominent Bolsheviks demanded the formation of a Socialist government composed of all Soviet parties. They declared that formation of a purely Bolshevist government would lead to a regime of terror and to the destruction of the revolution and the country.” [2]

10，“此时Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Rjazanov, Lozowski和其他杰出的布尔什维克要求建立一个由所有社会主义政党组成的社会主义政府。他们宣称建立一个完全的布尔什维克政府会导致一个恐怖政权的出现，并毁灭这个国家的革命。”

But again Lenin won his point in the Bolshevist Parry. He hoped that the elections to the All Russian Constituent Assembly, which were then in progress, would bring him a majority.

11，但是列宁又在布尔什维克党中获胜了。他希望在俄国制宪会议选举中获得多数支持。

Until 1917 the Bolshevist Party regarded the dictatorship within its organization as a means of struggle for democracy in the state, and Lenin’s fight for democracy in the state proceeded along the line of the other socialist parties. Like the latter, as late as 1917, he demanded the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal suffrage.

12，直到1917年布尔什维克党还将他们内部的独裁说成是为了政权民主的努力，而列宁和其他社会主义政党一起推进民主。在此之后，在1917年晚期，他命令在普选权的基础上召集制宪议会。

The elections to the Constituent Assembly revealed that the Bolshevist Party had far from a majority in the Constituent Assembly. But the Socialist parties – Mensheviks, Bolsheviks and Social Revolutionists – constituted an overwhelming majority in the assembly. (The Bolsheviks had approximately one fourth of the membership, the Socialist Revolutionists having a majority. – Ed.) Once more the Bolsheviks had an opportunity to take part in a Socialist united front, which could be the basis of a government supported by the overwhelming majority of the people. A government founded on such a basis and having virtually the entire people behind it would have been in a position to crush without any difficulty any attempt at counterrevolution. In fact, any such attempt would have been nipped in the bud.

13，制宪议会选举表明布尔什维克党离取得制宪议会的主导还很远。但是社会主义政党——孟什维克，布尔什维克和社会革命者——在议会中取得了主导（布尔什维克的席位有四分之一，社会革命者占据主导）。又一次布尔什维克有机会加入社会主义联合阵线，可以成为一个被大部分人支持的政府的基础。一个建立在这样的基础上的以及几乎所有人都支持的政府将会处在一个能够毫无困难的击败任何反革命企图的位置上。事实上，任何这类尝试都将会被扼杀在萌芽中。

Had the Bolsheviks at that time agreed to a united front, Russia would have been spared the three years of civil war and the consequent horrible misery. Peace and freedom would have made possible rapid economic recovery and with it a speedy development of the working class, which in turn, would have promoted the realization of a large measure of Socialist economy and its successful administration. All this would have been possible without dictatorship, without terror, through the democracy of the workers and peasants. To be sure, we cannot say with certainty that this would have actually come to pass, but this was the only road that offered a possibility of obtaining for the people through the revolution as great a measure of liberty and welfare as existing circumstances permitted. But this would have been possible only through the establishment of a revolutionary government supported by the overwhelming majority of the population. Such a government could have been set up only on the basis of a united front of all Socialist parties.

14，如果布尔什维克们当时同意了组成联合阵线，俄国将会避免三年内战和内战导致的糟糕悲剧。和平和自由可能会快速恢复经济，并伴随着工人阶级的快速发展，反过来促进大规模的社会主义经济和其成功管理的实现。这些都可以在没有独裁，没有恐怖的情况下，通过工人和农民的民主而成为可能。可以确定的是，我们无法肯定的说这些都会实际发生，但是这些只是通向提供一种人民通过革命获得大量的自由和福利的可能的道路，而这是存在的局势许可的。但是只有建立一个被压倒性的多数所支持的革命政府才能将这一切变成可能。这样一个政府只有在所有社会主义政党组成联合阵线的基础上才能成立。

This united front was rendered impossible by the insatiable yearning for power on the part of Lenin and other leaders of the Bolsheviks. They dissolved the Constituent Assembly, which they themselves had previously so passionately championed, and with the help of the politically inexperienced and ignorant soldiery drawn from the disorganized army, whose support they had won by limitless and irresponsible promises, they succeeded in seizing power, by means of which they strengthened their own parry, organized on militarist lines, and crushed completely all their opponents.

15，这一联合阵线在列和其他布尔什维克领导人的对权力永不满足的欲望下变得不可能了。他们解散了制宪议会，而他们之前还非常热情的进行组织，然后在没有政治经验的和无知的从无组织的军队中来的士兵集合的帮助下，那些通过无限的和不负责任的承诺获得支持的人成功夺取了政权，这意味着他们增强了他们自己的武力，组织了军事化的战线，然后完全摧毁了所有反对者。

The Bolsheviks attained power and have been ruling ever since not through the confidence and support of the majority of the people.

16，布尔什维克获得了权力，在没有多数人的信心和支持下开始统治。

There were two roads open: the road of a Socialist united front or the road of power for the Bolsheviks alone over all other Socialists. It was the Bolsheviks who utilized a favorable combination of circumstances to render impossible any united front in order that they might establish their own dictatorship.

17，摆在他们面前的有两条路：一条通向社会主义联合阵线，或者是布尔什维克单独抛开其他社会主义者夺取政权。布尔什维克利用了有利情况的组合，将联合阵线变得不可能，而这是为了他们能建立起他们自己的独裁。

Having established this dictatorship, they inevitably created a situation in which only the mailed fist, unconcerned too much with intellectual and moral restraints, can be victorious.

18，他们建立了独裁之后，他们必将制造一种情景：只有邮寄的拳头（备注：这应当是比喻，意思是暴力），不考虑太多知识和道德上的枷锁，才能成功。

To emphasize their differentiation from the Social Democracy the Bolsheviks have called themselves Communists since 1918.

19，为了强调他们与社会民主主义者的不同，布尔什维克从1918年开始称呼他们自己为共产主义者。（备注：这就是为什么考茨基将书名取为社会民主主义对抗共产主义，因为布尔什维克为了独裁背叛了社会民主主义，而且他们也自称共产主义者。所以书名中的共产主义是特指布尔什维克和类似布尔什维克的独裁政党。）

Upon the ruins of democracy, for which Lenin had fought until 1917, he erected his political power. Upon these ruins he set up a new militarist-bureaucratic police machinery of state, a new autocracy. This gave him weapons against the other Socialists even more potent than shameless lies. He now had in his hands all the instruments of repression which czarism had used, adding to these weapons also those instruments of oppression which the capitalist, as the owner of the means of production, uses against wage slaves. Lenin now commanded all the means of production, utilizing his state power for the erection of his state capitalism.

20，在民主的废墟之上，列宁为此斗争直到1917年，他竖立起了他的政治权力。在这些废墟之上他建立了一个新的军国主义——官僚主义警察国家机器，一种新的独裁。这给了他对抗其他社会主义者的武器，这甚至比无耻的谎言更有效。他现在掌握了所有沙皇时期用过的压迫工具，然后添加上这些被资本主义者使用的压迫工具，成为生产资料的所有者，使用这些工具对付雇佣奴隶。列宁现在控制了所有生产资料，利用他的政府权力建立起了他的国家资本主义。（备注：这里考茨基说的“国家资本主义”是苏联和毛贼时期中国的本质。）

No form of capitalism makes the workers so absolutely dependent upon it as centralized state capitalism in a state without an effective democracy. And no political police is so powerful and omnipresent as the Cheka or G.P.U., created by men who had spent many years in fighting the czarist police, and knowing its methods as well as its weaknesses and shortcomings, knew also how to improve upon them.

21，没有任何其他形式的资本主义使得工人们在一个没有有效民主的国家内完全依赖于中心化的国家资本主义。也没有任何警察国家如此强大和无所不在，例如契卡或G.P.U.（备注：我没有搜到相关资料，搜索结果全是GPU（图形处理器）），由那些与沙俄警察作战的人建立，他们知道沙俄警察的手段和弱点和短处，也知道如何进行改进。

It would have been absolutely unnecessary to resort to any of these instruments of repression had Lenin agreed to form a coalition with the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionists in 1917. These parties commanded the support of the overwhelming majority of the population, as the elections to the Constituent Assembly had shown. Everything of a truly progressive nature which the Bolsheviks sought at that time to realize was also part of the program of the other Socialist parties and would have been carried out by them, for the people had empowered them to do so. The confiscation of the big landed estates had also been planned by the Social Revolutionists and Mensheviks-they actually put it into effect in Georgia. Abolition of illiteracy, marriage law reform, social welfare measures, children’s homes, public hospitals, shop councils, unemployment insurance and laws for the protection of labor, about all of which such a big-to-do is being made in Soviet Russia, have been attained to a much greater and more perfect degree in capitalist countries where the democracy of labor has won any considerable power. The socialization of heavy industry, insofar as this would have appeared economically advantageous, would likewise have been approved by the majority of the Constituent Assembly.

22，如果列宁在1917年同意和孟什维克和社会革命党联合，那么就完全没有必要建立任何压迫机器。这些政党有着压倒性的多数人口的支持，就像制宪议会的选举展示的那样。布尔什维克在那时寻求的所有真正进步的目标同时也是其他社会主义政党的纲领，而他们也会去执行这些纲领，因为人民推动他们这么做。对大地主土地的征用也在社会革命党成员和孟什维克的计划中——事实上他们在格鲁吉亚实现了这点。消除文盲，婚姻法修改，社会福利建设，儿童的家园，公立医院，车间议会，失业保险和劳工保护法律，这些所有在苏维埃俄国的大待办事项在那些工人民主赢得任何不可忽视的力量时都更好的和更完善的实现了。对重工业的社会化，只要这能带来明显的经济上的好处，那么制宪议会的多数也很可能会去实现。

All the innovations in the domain of social welfare in which the Communists take so much pride and which so greatly impress tourists would have been introduced by the majority of the Constituent Assembly, and in much better fashion than the dictatorship has been able to do, because the country’s economic condition would have been immeasurably better. All the social welfare measures in force in Russia suffer from lack of resources, the hasty and ill-prepared manner in which they have been introduced, as well as from the methods of brutal force used by the dictators even in instances where abstention from force would have been more advantageous. Many workers were thereby embittered against the new regime when their willing cooperation was possible and necessary.

23，所有那些共产主义者们自豪和吸引游客们的社会福利创新也会被制宪议会的主流所介绍，而且比独裁政权做得更好，因为国家的经济状况会比独裁政权下好很多。所有俄国的社会福利都受到资源缺乏的损害，他们带来社会福利的方式匆忙又没有准备，而被独裁者们使用的暴力甚至应该被放弃，放弃暴力会带来更多好处。许多工人们对被迫与新政权对抗而感到痛苦，他们本来是愿意联合的，而这一联合是可能的和必要的。

How disgusting and unnecessary, for example, have been the forms of struggle against religion in Soviet Russia. The dictatorship does not seek to find a substitute for religion by promoting independent critical thinking and knowledge – such methods are not in the nature of dictatorship. Religious services and institutions, sacred to the devout, are subject to the coarsest insults and humiliations. Without the slightest necessity, harmless, devout folk are embittered and made to suffer while simultaneously the free thinkers themselves are degraded by such low forms of anti-religious propaganda.

24，例如，苏维埃俄国对抗宗教的形式非常不必要和恶劣。独裁政权并不寻求通过推进独立批判性思考和知识来替代宗教——这一方式不符合独裁的本性。宗教服务和机构，对虔诚的信徒来说是神圣的，被粗暴的冒犯和羞辱。根本没有任何必要的，无害的，虔诚的信徒被迫遭受痛苦和受到折磨，这同时使得自由思想者自己通过这种低级的反宗教宣传而自降身份。（备注：考茨基这段说得很不错，宗教的本质是盲从，而独立批判性思考则是宗教的死敌和非信神者的朋友，但布尔什维克的粗暴手段反倒给了教徒攻击自由思想者的口实。）

All such difficulties of social change as arise from lack of means, undue haste, opposition of the population, would have largely been averted if these changes had been the work of the Constituent Assembly. They were accomplished directly or indirectly through the civil war, which was the inevitable consequence of Lenin’s dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by the hands of his sailors in January 1918.

25，所有这些社会改变中的困难来自于缺乏资料， 不必要的匆忙，反对人民，而如果这些改变通过制宪议会进行，那么这些可以在很大程度上避免。在内战中这些问题直接或间接的出现，而这是列宁在1918年通过他的水兵之手解散制宪议会造成的必然后果。

The majority behind the Constituent Assembly was so overwhelming that not a single one of the czarist generals dared move against it. Had any one of them ventured to do so he would have had no following. These generals were emboldened to counter-revolutionary mutiny only after Lenin had dissolved Constituent Assembly and enabled them to put forward the pretense of seeking to restore the rights of the Assembly.

26，制宪议会的主流是压倒性的多数，以至于没有任何一个沙俄将军敢反对。如果他们中间任何一个人冒险这么做，那么不会有人追随他。这些将军们有底气发动反对革命的兵变是因为列宁解散了制宪议会，这使得他们寻求恢复在议会中的权利。

Had Lenin not dissolved the Constituent Assembly, Russia would have been spared the civil war with all its horrors, cruelties and destruction. How much richer the country would have been, how much greater the good of the social transformation! All the enormous expenditures of the military bureaucratic police apparatus, insofar as it has been devoted to purposes of repression, could have been spared. These expenditures could have been applied to productive purposes for the promotion of the general welfare.

27，如果列宁没有解散制宪议会，俄国将会避免经历恐怖，残忍和破坏性的内战。国家能够变得更富裕，社会转变变得更有利！所有花在军事官僚警察机器上的巨大支出，为了压迫这一目的而设立，也会被避免。这些支出可以被用在生产上，从而推进大众福利。

The population should have been accorded the greatest possible measure of freedom, freedom of the press, of assembly, of organization, of self-government. Under such conditions the masses would have speedily developed economically, physically, intellectually. All this stimulation of independent thinking and mutual confidence among the workers, peasants and intellectuals would have genuinely enhanced the development of socialist production, of a nation of liberty, equality, fraternity.

28，人民们应当获得最大程度的自由，出版自由，议会自由，组织自由，自我统治的自由。在这样的条件下大众将会迅速在经济上，身体上，知识上发展。所有这些都会促进工人们，农民们和知识分子们的独立思考和相互信任，而这会大大增强对社会生产的发展，和对自由，平等，博爱的国家的发展。

This noble development was halted on the day when Lenin ordered his military bands to make an end of the Constituent Assembly.

29，这些高贵的发展在列宁命令他的军队终结制宪议会的那天终止了。

Certainly, the fact that it proved easy to dissolve it indicates the high degree of political immaturity of the elements who dominated Petrograd at that time – quite ignorant soldiery who had but one wish, immediate peace, and who sensed that Lenin’s dictatorship was the one infallible instrument to bring it about.

30，显然，事实是这一切证明了如此容易的解散了制宪议会表明了高度的政治幼稚在当时主宰了彼得格勒——无知的士兵只有一个愿望，立刻实现和平，而他们感到列宁的独裁是带来和平的万无一失的工具。

Not the confidence of the majority of the working class but the complication of the revolution by the war brought Bolshevism to power. And because it did not possess this confidence it was compelled, once in power, to maintain itself by terrorism, which it is employing to this day without the slightest prospect of its mitigation.

31，并不是工人阶级主流的信任而是战争带来的革命复杂性为布尔什维克带来权力。因为这并不是由这一信任带来的，这是由强迫带来的，一旦布尔什维克掌握政权，他们只能通过恐怖主义维持权力，并导致了无法减缓这一前景（备注：指恐怖主义）的现实。

It is often said that terror belongs to the nature of revolution, that revolutions are not made with rose water or silk gloves, and that this has ever been so.

32，经常有人说恐怖是革命的本性之一，革命不是用玫瑰水或丝绸手套做成的，这次革命也只是和之前的革命一样。

It is, indeed, a peculiar revolutionism which asserts that what has always been must ever be so. Moreover, it is not true that there never were revolutions without terror. The great French Revolution began in 1789, but the terror did not come until September 1792, and only as a consequence of war. Not the revolution but war brought about the terror as well as the dictatorship. Revolutions resort to terror only when they are driven to civil war.

33，的确，一种奇特的革命主义声称曾经有过的必然会一直持续下去。不过，没有不含有恐怖的革命这一说法本身不是事实。伟大的法国大革命开始于1789，但是恐怖直到1792年才开始出现，而这只是战争的后果而已。不是革命，而是战争带来了恐怖和独裁。革命只有在走向内战时才会出现恐怖。

This was absolutely unnecessary in Russia in 1917. Democracy had been achieved. The workers and peasants were in power. The demands of labor could have been satisfied by democratic methods, insofar as these demands were compatible with the interests of the peasantry and with the material resources available.

34，在1917年的俄国，这一切都是完全没有必要的。民主已经被实现了。工人和农民获得权力了。劳工们的要求可以通过民主的方式满足，只要这些要求和农民的利益是兼容的，以及物质资源足够。

The rule of the overwhelming majority in the interest of the overwhelming majority does not require the use of brutal force in a democratic state in order to assert itself.

35，压倒性多数的统治要满足压倒性多数的利益，这在民主国家中并不需要使用暴力以实现这一目标。

In the election to the Constituent Assembly 36,000,000 votes were cast, of which only 4,000,000 were polled by the bourgeois parties and 32,000,000 by the socialist parties. The Assembly was in no way threatened from the right. It was in a position to proceed undisturbed, with full hope of success, with the task of the regeneration of Russia and preparation for Socialism.

36，在制宪议会的选举中有36000000人投票，其中只有4000000票支持资产阶级政党，而有32000000票支持社会主义政党。议会完全不会受到任何来自右派的威胁。当时的情况下重建俄国和准备社会主义的任务的进程是不被干扰的，成功的希望也很大。

As the Bolsheviks saw it, it had but one great fault: they had failed to obtain a majority in it. The Bolsheviks received 9,000,000, while 23,000,000 votes were cast for the other Socialist parties. This was an intolerable situation for any brave Bolshevik. The Constituent Assembly would have carried out everything in the interests of labor that was at all realizable, and in more rational, more successful manner than the Bolsheviks acting alone have been able to do. But this would have required the Bolsheviks to act merely as equals and not as a party of dictatorship issuing orders from above.

37，但布尔什维克看到了一个巨大的失败：他们没能成功维持主导。布尔什维克获得9000000票，而23000000票选择了其他社会主义政党。对于任何勇敢的布尔什维克来说，这是无法被容忍的。制宪议会将会可靠的满足所有工人的利益，并且比布尔什维克的单独行动做得更理性，更成功。但是这要求布尔什维克平等的对待其他政党，而不是当一个高高在上的发布命令的独裁政党。

Against any such democratic procedure the Bolsheviks struggled with all their might, and they utilized a favorable situation to dissolve the Constituent Assembly. This blow they struck not against a czarist, aristocratic, bourgeois or “white guardist” counter revolution but against the other Socialist parties, who had been more successful than the Bolsheviks in the struggle for the soul of the workers and peasants.

38，布尔什维克的所有努力都与这样的民主程序相反，然后他们利用了有力情形以解散制宪议会。这一灾难表明了他们的打击并不是针对沙俄势力，贵族，资产阶级或“白色守卫”反革命，而是针对其他社会主义政党，它们比布尔什维克在斗争中更成功的吸引了工人和农民。

Hence, the abolition of all democratic rights of masses, ergo the terror. It was the necessary consequence of the rule of a minority over the great majority of the people. Hence, the fact that the terror has been indispensable for the Bolsheviks not only in the civil war but throughout the years after its conclusion. They resort to terror not only as a means of repelling counter-revolution but as an instrument of holding down and destroying all revolutionists among the workers and peasants who refuse to submit without protest to the whip of the new Red czar and his Communist Cossacks.

39，由此，剥夺了大众的所有民主权利导致了恐怖。这是小部分人统治大部分人的必然结果。因此，事实是对于布尔什维克来说，不仅在内战中恐怖是必要的，而且在内战结束之后始终都是必要的。他们采用恐怖，不仅是为了镇压反革命，而且是将恐怖作为一种镇压和毁灭所有工人和农民中的拒绝服从新的红色沙皇的皮鞭和他的共产主义哥萨克们的革命者们。

Having seized control, Lenin at once conceived himself powerful enough to undertake from above and by utopian methods the carrying out of a task which until then he himself as a disciplined Marxist had regarded as unrealizable, namely the immediate establishment of the Socialist order of production with the aid of an immature working class. It should be noted that it was a question not of village communism, for the private economy of the individual peasant was preserved (until the collectivization under Stalin – Ed.), but of state economy in industry and commerce.

40，在夺取控制权后，列宁开始设想他自己有足够权力承担和使用乌托邦手段来实现一个任务，而这一任务在他还是一个受训练的马克思主义者时认为是无法实现的，这一任务就是在没有发育成熟的工人阶级的帮助下立刻建立社会主义生产秩序。应当注意到的是问题不在于农村共产主义，因为个体农民的私人经济被保留了（直到斯大林进行集体化），而是国家的工业和金融经济。

This was the task undertaken by Lenin, in opposition to the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionists, who declared the undertaking utopian and unrealizable. They likewise denounced the dictatorship and the destruction of democracy.

41，这是一个列宁实现的任务，在孟什维克和社会革命党的反对下，他们声明这是乌托邦的和无法实现的。他们同样反对独裁和民主的破坏。

https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch04.htm

考 茨 基

十二、英国的议会制度和政党

……
……这里的问题仅仅在于，根据有关英国党派关系发展的材料来说明，认为议会制度单单只为资本家阶级服务的这一看法是多么错误。我们已经看到，随着经济发展水平和选举权类型的不同，代议制是为各个极不相同的阶级利益服务，并且采取极不相同的特征形式的。
英国下议院有一个半世纪之久曾经是贵族专政的工具，此后半个世纪成为工业资本家专政的工具。但是，这些资本家已经失去了自己的独占统治，无产阶级已经能够在议会中并且通过议会来影响国家的对内政策，使之有利于自己，而英国的无所不能的议会将成为无产阶级专政的工具的那一天正在大踏步地迫近着。

十三、议会制度和工人阶级

……
凡是无产阶级组织成一个特殊的、自觉的政党、并以这个政党的资格来参加为进入议会的斗争和议会内的斗争的地方，它就不再属于在一切重要关头不得不等着被自己的议会代表出卖和欺骗的那些阶级。在议会内也象在新闻界内一样，腐化会在战斗的无产阶级的组织和纪律那里碰到牢固的堤防。没有一个政党可以像社会民主党一样把自己的议员如此紧紧地掌握在手中并且如此有把握地指靠他们。
但是，议会制度的反对者会反驳说，就算这一切都是正确的。可是，在某一点上，无产阶级同有产阶级比起来始终是一定要吃亏的：在今天的社会里，无产阶级由于经济上的依赖性，从来没有能够做到充分自由地选举自己的代表。在每次选举时，成千成万的人由于受到影响、贿赂、威胁和直接强迫等等各种不同手段的驱使，不仅拒绝给自己利益的最好的代表者投票，而且甚至给自己的敌人投票。因此，在资本主义生产方式的统治下，期望无产阶级参加议会选举能获得任何重大效果，都是荒谬的事。[1]
当然，我们没有想到要否认工人的经济依赖性会大大妨碍他们参加自己的选举斗争，并且使他们不可能充分地施展自已的力量。但是，我们十分坚决地反对只有选举斗争才具有这种缺点的说法。不管无产阶级采取什么道路来改善自己的处境和在社会中获得更大的权力，资本和国家都会在这条道路上反对无产阶级并且运用他们的优势力量的一切手段来阻碍无产阶级前进。
难道里廷豪森 [2] 的信徒们相信，关于某一项法律草案的人民投票所受到的影响会比议员选举所受到的来得小吗？或者让我们考察一下工人阶级的一项完全非政治性的活动：难道工会运动的发展不是到处都由于惩办、黑名单等等而受到牵制和阻碍吗？
因此，如果现在谈到的反对议会制度的意见是有道理的话，那末这就意味着一般把工人运动判处死刑――或者至少是把工人运动的任何一种有效形式判处死刑。
但是，人们不能断定，工人在选举代议机构时所受的压力比他们在阶级斗争中的其他活动中所受的更大。恰恰相反。至少就选举斗争中的决定性行动即投票说来，人们能够通过已经存在于几乎所有的议会制国家中（即使还不是在一切议会制国家中都具有完全有效的形式）的秘密投票差不多完全排除压力。秘密投票使工人在选举时比在任何其他形式的阶级斗争中更为独立。甚至在德国，虽然在有关保护投票的秘密性方面的选举程序远没有例如在英国有效，却有许多不敢参加工会或者连仅仅订阅一份社会民主党报纸也不敢的人能够投票拥护社会民主党党员。[3]
总之，无论我们从哪一方面来观察代议制，我们都不可能发现它会这样地损害无产阶级，以致使无产阶级有理由避开有朝一日会构成并且在目前社会中必然会构成我们政治生活重点的议会。
今天资产阶级也总算完全不再赞同里廷豪森和他的信徒的这一见解了：代议制本身不管以任何形式，甚至以民主的形式，都是保障资产阶级的统治的。
……
但是，恰恰是德国和英国的扩大了的选举权（选举权在英国甚至还不是普遍的）所造成的结果，开始使统治阶级擦亮了眼睛。在英国，这种选举权已经使至今轮流统治国家的两大政党之一完全依赖工人。在德国，尽管选举权并不完善――拒绝发给议员日薪，对选举秘密保护不善，对选举资格过高的年龄限制，而特别是对选区不作任何的重新划分，因而使迅速成长起来的革命的大城市吃亏，使落后的人口稀少的乡村占便宜――尽管有这一切缺点，现有的选举权已经使德国社会民主党（如果仅仅就所得的票数来说）成为国家中最强大的议会政党。而社会民主党在目前的选举权下要成为就代表的人数来说也是最强大的政党，那只不过是一个时间问题。事实上，在德国，资产阶级已不再把希望寄托在议会制度上，他们已不再相信，这种制度在任何条件下都能保障他们的统治；他们把希望寄托在德国议会制度的软弱无能上，寄托在德国实际上是专制主义和军国主义在统治的这一事实上。
甚至在法国，尽管社会民主党在那里参加选举斗争的年代还很短，尽管它在这一斗争中还受到历史传统的很大限制，但是，资产阶级已开始害怕普选权。不久前，那里还有一句资产阶级政客爱用的促使无产者注意选举权的空话：无产者不应该通过武器的暴力，而应该通过选票来力求实现自己的“合理的”要求。今天再也听不到这句话了。今天，法国的资产阶级政客宁愿工人筑起街垒，而不愿他们参加选举斗争，这样他们可以更加容易地对付工人。
今天任何一个资产阶级政府也不再能以轻松愉快的心情同意普选权了。今天，工人阶级的选举权的任何一点扩大都必需由工人阶级加以争取，而且，如果说在普选权存在的地方它还没有被废除，那也只能归功于对工人阶级的恐惧。因为，如果资产阶级今天已经看穿这种选举权对他们来说隐藏着什么样的危险的话，那末今天各地的无产阶级也都知道，在选举权上他们拥有多么强大的革命的武器。如果里廷豪森和他的信徒们是对的话，那末在工人阶级方面，为了普选权，也就是为了自己参加议会制度的权利，即使仅仅动一根手指头也是疯狂的了。相反，我们现在恰恰在一切地方又看到争取普选权的极其激烈的斗争开展起来了。在无产阶级被剥夺选举权的地方，他们在为争取它所需要付出的极大努力和牺牲面前是毫不畏缩的，不久以前在比利时就以极其出色的方式表明了这一点，而不久以后奥地利工人恐怕也会表明。德国工人取得选举权的任何一次尝试，都会有给国家招致一场可怕灾难的危险。
　只有政治上的瞎子才会在今天还断言，即使在普选权的统治下，代议制仍旧保障着资产阶级的统治，而且为了推翻这种统治，必须首先取消代议制。真正的议会制度也能够是无产阶级专政的工具，正如它是资产阶级专政的工具一样，这在现在已经是很明显的了。工人阶级在争取政治权力的斗争中最重要的任务，不是取消代议制，而是破坏政府对于议会的权力，但同时也是通过平均地划分选区、保护选举秘密、短期议会、出版、集会和结社的完全自由、而尤其是通过把选举权扩大到所有已满二十岁的国民来给无产阶级进入议会开辟一条尽可能广阔的道路。
　　的确，工人阶级无论在哪里都不能一下子完全占有政治权力。在真正的议会制的国家里，获得选举权是无产阶级革命这条道路上的最重要的一步。在伪立宪主义的国家里，还要加上另一个重要的任务：获得一个完全的议会制度。

https://www.marxists.org/chinese/kautsky/marxist.org-chinese-kautsky-189307.htm

原作者：Karl Kautsky

3. The Beginning of Bolshevism

3，布尔什维克的起源

Russia, too, could not remain closed to the rise of Marxism and of a Socialist working class party founded upon its ideas. These met with even greater obstacles from the czarist regime than did the earlier socialist parties of non-Marxian character. Another obstacle to Marxian ideas in Russia was her economic backwardness, which delayed considerably the development of large, capitalist, mass industry and with it the growth of an industrial proletariat in the large cities. No less a barrier to the development of a park of working class struggle was the absence of democracy, which made impossible the development of any party activity, any legal mass-organization and a free press.

1，俄国并没有马克思主义的崛起和建立在马克思主义思想上的工人阶级社会主义政党建立。对于马克思主义者来说，沙皇政权带来的障碍比早期非马克思社会主义政党带来的障碍更大。对于马克思思想来说，另一个障碍是俄国在经济上很落后，这一点相当程度上推迟了发展大规模工业而产生大量资本家和在大城市中出现工业无产阶级。对于发展工人阶级斗争的另一个不小的障碍是民主的缺乏，这使得发展任何政党都变得不可能，也没有组织合法大规模组织的自由或出版自由。

Added to this was the fact that due to her backwardness Russia retained until about the end of the last century more pronounced traces of a primitive village communism than were to be found anywhere in Europe. Due to these factors, socialist ideas in Russia continued to bear pre-Marxian characteristics for a longer period than in the West. The Russian fighters for liberty and equality inherited socialist tendencies from Western Europe. It was natural for them to see the power for a socialist regeneration of czarist Russia not in the numerically weak city workers but in the great masses of the peasantry. Moreover, the city workers themselves came largely from the village, the bulk of them remaining peasant in their thinking and feeling.

2，还有个事实是由于俄国的落后，直到19世纪末，还有不少原始村落共产主义的痕迹，而这些痕迹在欧洲其他地方已经消失了。由于这些因素，俄国的社会主义思想比西方更长时间的停留在前马克思时代。俄国的战士们继承了西欧的社会主义趋势，为自由和平等而战。他们很自然的看到社会主义力量在沙皇俄国的大量农民中再生而不是在弱小的城市工人中再生。更多情况下，城市工人大量来自于农村，他们的思想和感受还停留在农民时期。

The working masses in the cities and the champions of their interests among the intellectuals, namely the students, were influenced much more by the ideas of a peasant socialism than by Marxism. The development of Marxism in Russia came later than in Western Europe, and the growth of its influence upon the Russian city workers was slow and difficult.

3，城市中大量的工人和在知识分子中的工人利益的代言人，例如学生们，受到农民社会主义的影响大过马克思主义的影响。马克思主义在俄国的发展要比在西欧的发展更迟，而马克思主义在俄国城市工人中的影响增长的非常缓慢和困难。

Not until 1898 did the groups who embraced Marxian ideas become sufficiently numerous to venture upon the establishment of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.

4，直到1898年，俄国社会民主工人党才作为一个马克思主义政党被足够多的拥抱马克思主义的组织冒险建立起来。

This was a thoroughly Marxian party and brought forth leaders and thinkers who have enriched mightily Marxian thought not only in Russia but throughout the world.

5，这是一个非常马克思主义的政党，而其中的领导人和思想者不仅为俄国更为世界大大丰富了马克思主义的思考。

Nevertheless, the peculiar conditions prevailing in Russia remained unfavorable for the development of a consistent Marxism. In Germany, too, it made itself felt effectively only with the rise of her heavy industry and after her political constitution had provided ample opportunity for the creation of free working class organizations, a socialist mass literature, as well as the participation of the masses in strikes and electoral battles. In Russia, even after the establishment of the Social Democratic Labor Party, the industrial workers remained relatively small in numbers, while retaining their peasant viewpoint, without any working class consciousness of their own. Added to this was the fact that only a secret press and secret organizations were possible, which, naturally, could not be developed beyond painfully restricted proportions.

6，多多少少的，广泛存在于俄国的特别的局势对马克思主义的发展不利。在德国也是如此，直到重工业兴起和德国宪法提供了创立自由的工人阶级组织的机会和大量的社会主义文学和大规模斗争的参与和选战才使得马克思主义变得有效。在俄国，即使是社会民主工人党成立之后，工人的数量还是很少，而他们还维持着农民思想，并没有工人阶级的意识。还有个事实是只有秘密出版和秘密组织是可能的，很自然的，秘密组织无法超越一定限度的规模。

The conditions unfavorable to the development of Marxian socialism remained. Even many of those who considered themselves Marxists fell victim to these conditions. They interpreted Marxism frequently in a rather fanatical sense. And involuntarily they injected into it in increasing measure ideas of a pre-Marxian, Blanquist or Bakuninist coloration.

7,不适合马克思的社会主义发展的局势一直持续。甚至很多认为自己是马克思主义者的人也成为了这种局势的受害者。他们经常狂热的解读马克思主义，并且他们不由自主的越来越多的插入了前马克思的，布朗基的和巴枯宁的思想。

Outstanding among the Marxists of this character was Vladimir Ulianov, better known as Lenin. He joined the Social Democratic Labor Party at its inception. He accepted its program, having helped formulate it. What first brought him into conflict with the consistent Marxists in the party was the question of party organization. Under the conditions prevailing in czarist Russia this organization was of necessity a secret one. Nevertheless, the intention was to give it a form conducive to the highest possible development of the intellectual and spiritual powers of its members and the promotion of independent thinking among the greatest possible number of the workers. This could be achieved only through closest participation of all party comrades in party work, their intimate contact with the labor movement, i.e. only through the widest possible measure of democracy within the party This was entirely in accord with the ideas of Marx, who at the beginning of the movement regarded democracy less as a means of gaining political power and more as an instrument of education of the masses.

8，在这些马克思主义者中，有一个人非常出众，他是Vladimir Ulianov，以列宁这一名字出名。他在社会民主工人党成立时加入。他接受了党的计划，并帮助制定计划。他和那些一贯坚持马克思主义的人第一次发生冲突是在关于党的组织形式这一问题上。在沙皇俄国的局势下，秘密组织是有优势的和必要的。虽说党的目标是尽可能的发展成员的知识和精神力量和推进尽可能多的工人进行独立思考，这一切只能在所有党内战友们紧密参与党的工作和紧密联系工人运动的基础上实现，但根据马克思主义思想，只有在最广泛的民主的基础上党才能完全参与进去。在运动的开始，民主的含义更多的是教育大众的工具，而不是夺取政权。

The Communist League, which Marx and Engels joined in 1847, was obliged to be a secret organization under the political circumstances then prevailing on the continent of Europe. And such, indeed, it was at the beginning. Such an organization presupposes the vesting of its leadership with dictatorial power. Marx and Engels declined to accept this, however. They joined the League only after it had ceased to be a conspiracy, although it had been obliged to remain a secret organization due to the absence of all freedom of organization. Engels reports about it as follows:

9，马克思和恩格斯在1847年参加的共产主义军团是在欧洲大陆的政治局势下被迫成为一个秘密组织的。当然，这是在一开始的时候。这样一个组织要求授予它的领导者独裁的权力。马克思和恩格斯拒绝接受这一点，然而，他们只在这一组织停止密谋之后加入，虽然它因为组织自由的缺乏而被迫成为秘密组织。恩格斯在下面如此报告：

“The organization of the Communist League itself was entirely democratic, with elected officials, always subject to removal, thereby putting an end to all urge for conspiracy, which requires dictatorship.” (Introduction to K. Marx, The Cologne Trial, Zurich 1885, p.10)

10，共产主义军团这一组织是完全民主的，选举官员，而且总是可以下台的，因此终结了任何对阴谋的需要，而阴谋是需要独裁的。（(Introduction to K. Marx, The Cologne Trial, Zurich 1885, p.10）

The First International of 1864, like its predecessor, the Communist League, was also compelled to maintain secret organizations in some countries. Nevertheless, Marx and Engels fought repeatedly against transforming the International into a conspiratory organization, as Mazzini would have it. Marx won over Mazzini. The first International was organized not dictatorially but democractically. Marx was also opposed to the manner in which the General Workingmen’s Association was organized in Germany in 1863, in which Lassalle wielded dictatorial power. In contrast to the Lassalleans, the Eisenach group under Bebel and Liebknecht, who had Marx’s support, was organized in 1869 democratically. The dictatorial form of organization in Germany gave way to the democratic form.

11，1864年成立的第一国际，就像它的前身共产主义军团一样，在一些国家也被迫成为秘密组织。虽然，马克思和恩格斯反复反对将第一国际转变为密谋组织，但Mazzini 坚持要这么做。马克思胜过了Mazzini 。第一国际不是独裁组织而是民主组织。马克思也反对普通工人联合会这一于1863年在德国成立的组织的架构，因为Lassalle在这一组织中有独裁权力。与Lassalleans相反，由倍倍尔和李卜克内西建立的Eisenach组织在1869年民主的形成，而马克思支持这一组织。在德国，独裁结构让位于民主结构。

Nevertheless, the urge for a conspiratory organization with unlimited dictatorial power for the leader and blind obedience of the members continued to manifest itself wherever the organization had to be a secret one, where the masses did not as yet possess their own movement and where the political organization was regarded not as a means of educating the proletariat to independence but as a means of obtaining political power at one stroke. Not the class struggle but the putsch, the coup d’etat is thus brought into the foreground of interest, and together with this a form of militarist thinking there is carried into the party organization the kind of thinking which relies upon victory in civil war rather than upon intellectual and economic elevation of the masses. The latter are regarded as mere cannon fodder, whose utilization can be made all the easier the more obedient they are to any command, without independent thought and will of their own.

12，虽然，对密谋组织的领导者的无限制独裁权力的要求和成员的盲目服从持续表现它自己，无论这一组织是否必须为秘密组织，而大众还没有发动他们自己的运动，以及政治组织不是用来教育无产阶级独立的而是用来不惜一切代价维持政治权力的。但是，对于这种组织来说，不是阶级斗争，而是政变成了最重要的目标，与此同时军国主义的思想将党组织带入一种思维中：不是依赖提升大众的知识和经济水平，而是依赖在内战中取得胜利以赢得革命。后者就像炮灰一样，采用这一思维可以把党的成员变得更容易服从任何命令，没有独立的思维和意志。

The Social Democracy of Russia was conceived as a democratic organization, in accordance with Marxian principles. But Lenin soon discovered that this was a mistake. He began to demand ever greater powers for the central organ of the party and increasingly circumscribed powers for the membership.

13，俄国的社会民主党的构想是成立一个民主组织，依据马克思的原则。但是列宁很快发现这是一个错误。他开始要求更大的权力以成为党的重要器官，并限制成员的权力。

Paul Axelrod, Vera Zassulitch, Alexander Potresov, Julius Martov and, later, George Plekhanov opposed him. Even Rosa Luxemburg, who was more inclined to side with him in other matters, expressed misgivings on the score of dictatorship which Lenin sought to introduce in the party.

14，Paul Axelrod, Vera Zassulitch, Alexander Potresov, Julius Martov，和后来的George Plekhanov反对他。甚至罗莎卢森堡，她在其他方面和列宁站在同一战线上，当列宁试图将独裁带入党内时她也表示了担忧。

In his pamphlet One Step Forward, Two Steps Back (1904) Lenin went so far as to assert:

15，在他的小册子《前进一步，后退两步》（1904）中列宁走的太远以至于如此宣称：

“Bureaucratism against democracy – that must be the organizational principle of the revolutionary Social-Democracy against the organizational principle of the opportunists.” (p.51.)

16，“官僚主义对抗民主——这必须成为革命的社会民主党的组织原则以对抗机会主义者的组织原则。”

I take the following from a criticism of Lenin by Rosa Luxemburg in Die Neue Zeit (XXII.2). She declared:

17，我从《新时代》(XXII.2)中摘取了罗莎卢森堡对列宁的批评。她说：

“The establishment of centralization in the Social Democracy on the basis of blind obedience, to the very smallest detail, to a central authority, in all matters of party organization and activity; a central authority which does all the thinking, attends to everything and decides everything; a central authority isolating the centre of the party from the surrounding revolutionary milieu-as demanded by Lenin-appears to us as an attempt to transfer mechanically the organizational principles of Blanquist conspiratory workmen’s circles to the Social Democratic mass movement. (p.488, 489.)

18，“在社会民主党中建立基于盲目服从的中心化，一个中心权威在最小的细节上控制了所有的党组织和活动；一个中心化的权威思考一切，参与一切，决定一切；一个中心化的权威将党的中心与周围隔绝，革命性的中心——被列宁命令——试图机械的将布朗基主义的密谋工人圈的组织原则转变为社会民主党的大规模运动的组织原则。(p.488, 489.)”

“Lenin’s ideas are calculated principally to promote control of party activity and not its development, to foster the limitation rather than the growth, the strangulation rather than the solidarity and expansion of the movement.” (p.492.)

19，“列宁的思想总结一下就是推进控制党的活动而不是发展，增强限制而不是增长，绞杀运动而不是团结和扩大运动。”(p.492.)

That was how Rosa Luxemburg characterized Leninism from its very beginning

20，这就是罗莎卢森堡在一开始对列宁主义的评价。

Already in 1904, Rosa Luxemburg discovered that all that dictatorship in the party could accomplish was to stem and stifle the intellectual development of the workers. Yet, it is precisely in the early stages of a labor movement, in which alone a voluntary recognition of the dictatorship of any of its leaders is possible, that the education of the workers to independent thinking and action is far more important than the winning of power by the leaders.

21，早在1904年，罗莎卢森堡就发现所有政党内的独裁只能实现阻止和窒息工人们的知识水平的发展。虽然在劳工运动的早期自愿认可任何政党领导人的独裁是可能的，但对工人们的独立思考和行动的教育比领导者获得权力重要得多。

For this reason, as early as 1904, Rosa Luxemburg perceived Leninism as an element inimical to the higher development of the working class. Naturally, she could not then foresee all the destructive influences it carried within itself.

22，因为上述原因，在1904年，罗莎卢森堡指出列宁主义是一个和更高程度上发展工人阶级这一目标相抵触的元素。很自然的，她不能预见列宁主义所带来的所有破坏性的影响。

In the meantime, at the very beginning of Leninism, another extremely injurious element became apparent side by side with its strangulations and stifling of the movement.

23，与此同时，在列宁主义的一开始，另一种伤害性极大的元素开始随着它对运动的绞杀和窒息一起出现。

Like the God of monotheists, the dictator is a very jealous god. He tolerates no other gods but himself. Those in the party who do not believe in his divine infallibility provoke his fierce hatred. Lenin demanded that the entire working class submit meekly to his leadership. Those in the party who were inclined to show more confidence in other leaders or to defend opinions of their own were regarded by Lenin as the worst possible enemies, to be fought with any and all means.

24，就如同一神教的上帝，独裁者是一个很爱妒忌的神。他不会容忍除了他自己之外的任何神。那些党内不肯相信他的神性的人错误的刺激了他，增强了他的憎恨。列宁命令整个工人阶级忠实的顺服他的领导。那些显示出了超越其他领导者的自信的人，或者那些坚持他们自己的观点的人，被列宁当成最坏的敌人，而这些敌人是需要被以任何方式进行对抗的。

Hence it was impossible for Lenin, as it is impossible for anyone who would be dictator of a party, to work together with comrades who occasionally differed from him. Hence the impossibility of working at all for any length of time on a level of equality with comrades of character and independence of thought.

25，于是列宁不可能，同样对于其他政党内的独裁者来说也不可能和那些和他有少数不同的战友一起工作。同样，也不可能实现任何一段时间内的战友们的平等合作和独立思考。

Whenever dictatorship assumes powers in a party organism, that organism is bound to deteriorate intellectually, for dictatorship either degrades the best elements, compelling them to surrender their independence, or expels them from the party.

26，无论何时独裁成为政党内的有机组成力量，这一有机组成绑定了知识的退化，因为独裁将最好的元素退化了，强迫他们放弃他们的独立性，或者被开除出党。

Dictatorship in the party starts out with the idea of bringing about a split in the party. This is apparent in the very nature of dictatorship. The dictator not only declines to combine his organization with other, independent working class organizations into a higher general organism, but he does not even think of cooperating at least occasionally with other socialist parties against the common enemy. Leninism had hardly begun to manifest itself in the Russian Social Democracy when it brought about a split into Mensheviks and Bolsheviks.

27，政党内的独裁开始促进党内分裂思想的出现。这是独裁的本性。独裁者不仅拒绝将他的组织和其他组织合并，将独立工人组织转变为更大规模的有机体，而且他甚至拒绝思考至少偶尔和其他社会主义政党合作以对抗共同的敌人。列宁主义在俄国社会民主党中几乎没有展现出来，直到党分裂为孟什维克和布尔什维克。

Intellectual impoverishment of its own party, obstruction of the intellectual development of the workers, their weakening by prolonged internecine conflict – these were the consequences of the Leninist party dictatorship even before the Russian Revolution of 1917.

28，他们自己的政党的知识上的贫乏，提升工人们的知识水平的阻碍，持续很久的自相残杀导致的削弱——这些都是列宁主义政党独裁造成的后果，这些后果甚至在1917年的俄国革命之前就已经存在了。

That revolution brought with it a fundamental change in all social and political relations.

29，这场革命带来了在所有社会和政治关系上的根本的改变。

https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch03.htm