SINCE ARIZONA Sen. John McCain’s death, the American political establishment has staged a succession of patriotic and militarist commemorations of his life that implicitly attack the billionaire bigot in the White House, Donald Trump, who was told not to attend any of them.
自从亚利桑那州参议员约翰麦凯恩去世以来，美国的政治机构已经举行了一系列爱国主义和军国主义的生涯纪念活动，这些活动暗中攻击了白宫里的亿万富翁流氓，唐纳德特朗普，他被告知不要加入他们中的任何一个。
McCain planned these events in collaboration with other leaders of both parties to send a political message.
麦凯恩与两个政党的其他领导人合作策划了这些活动，以发出政治信息。
Their goal was to not only to rebuke Trump, but to celebrate the old order in Washington — the so-called “Washington consensus,” where the U.S. government presided over neoliberal globalization through diplomacy and a system of alliances, while reserving the right to use unilateral force against “rogue states” that buck American dictates.
他们的目标不仅是要谴责特朗普，而且要庆祝华盛顿的旧秩序 – 即所谓的“华盛顿共识”，美国政府通过外交和联盟制度主导新自由主义全球化，同时保留对那些反对美国的独裁的“流氓国家”使用单方面力量的权利。
Trump’s hard-right politics, economic nationalism, attacks on the FBI and CIA, and undermining of various U.S. alliances are a challenge to this consensus. His slogan of “Making America Great Again” by putting “America First” has disrupted political and trade relations with almost every state in the world, whether or not they are a U.S. ally or enemy.
特朗普的硬右翼政治，经济民族主义，对联邦调查局和中央情报局的攻击，以及对各种美国的联盟的破坏都是对这一共识的挑战。 他的口号“让美国再次伟大”通过“把美国放到第一位”，已经破坏了与世界上几乎每个国家的政治和贸易关系，无论他们是否是美国的盟友或敌人。
Thus, at each ceremony for McCain, from Arizona to Washington, D.C., a Who’s Who of ruling-class politicians, from Barack Obama to George W. Bush, took the opportunity to celebrate McCain as a hero willing to buck his own party, take supposedly principled positions and stand up to Trump.
因此，在每一个为了纪念麦凯恩而举行的仪式上，从亚利桑那州到华盛顿特区，统治阶级政客的名人堂，从巴拉克奥巴马到乔治W.布什，都借此机会赞美麦凯恩，作为一个愿意为自己的政党效力的英雄， 据称是有原则的立场，并与特朗普敌对。
At the Washington commemoration, Obama declared, in an obvious reference to Trump: “So much of our politics, our public life, our public discourse, can seem small and mean and petty, trafficking in bombast and insult, in phony controversies and manufactured outrage. It’s a politics that pretends to be brave, but in fact is born of fear. John called us to be bigger than that. He called us to be better than that.”
在华盛顿纪念活动中，奥巴马明确提到了特朗普：“我们的政治，我们的公共生活，我们的公共话语，看起来都很小，吝啬和琐碎，贩卖轰炸和侮辱，虚假的争议和制造的愤怒。 这是一种假装勇敢，但实际上是出于恐惧的政治。 约翰呼吁我们比那更大。 他呼吁我们做得更好。“
Many liberal commentators followed this lead, seeing the funeral tour as the long-awaited birth of bipartisan opposition to Trump. Writing in the New Yorker, Susan Glasser even called it “a meeting of the Resistance, under vaulted ceilings and stained-glass windows.”
许多自由派评论家都遵循这一主张，将葬礼看作期待已久的两党联合反对特朗普的诞生。 Susan Glasser在“纽约客”中写道，甚至称其为“一场抵抗运动的会议，在拱形天花板和彩色玻璃窗下。”
But McCain’s political positions and legacy are the opposite of everything claimed by his eulogists, as Mehdi Hassan (at the Intercept), Tom Bramble (for Red Flag and Socialist Worker) and Branko Marcetic (at Jacobin) have amply documented. Certainly, they offer no basis for galvanizing the resistance to Trump.
但麦凯恩的政治立场和遗产与他的赞颂者所声称的一切相反，正如Mehdi Hassan（在Intercept），Tom Bramble（在Red Flag 和 Socialist Worker）和Branko Marcetic（在Jacobin）的充分记录。 当然，他们没有提供激励抵抗特朗普的基础。
DESPITE THE many tributes to his military service, McCain was no war hero, but a war criminal. He started his career bombing the people of Vietnam and followed it up as a mouthpiece for the Pentagon in the Senate, ramming through massive defense expenditures and supporting every U.S. military operation, right up through Afghanistan, Iraq and Yemen today.
尽管许多人对他的服兵役表示敬意，麦凯恩不是战争英雄，而是战争罪犯。 他的职业生涯开始于轰炸越南人民，并随后成为五角大楼在参议院的喉舌，通过大规模的国防开支，支持美国的每一次军事行动，直到阿富汗，伊拉克和今天的也门。
He infamously bastardized a Beach Boys song, turning it into a call for the U.S. to bomb Iran. And he despised any and all opponents of the U.S. military machine, going so far as to call Medea Benjamin and Code Pink activists “low life scum” for protesting war criminal Henry Kissinger.
他臭名昭著的污染了海滩男孩这首歌曲，将其变成了美国轰炸伊朗的号召。而且他鄙视所有反对美国军事机器的人，甚至称抗议战争罪犯亨利基辛格的Medea Benjamin和Code Pink活动者为“低等败类”。
McCain was also a devoted representative of capital and enemy of workers in the Senate. Like other politicians before him, he got caught fleecing working-class people who lost their retirement savings when the savings-and-loan industry collapsed in the 1980s.
麦凯恩也是参议院里的资本和工人的敌人的忠实代表。与他之前的其他政治家一样，他在1980s时储蓄和贷款业崩溃时，被发现搜刮了那些失去退休储蓄的工人阶级人民。
McCain survived this scandal, but he never stopped serving the bosses, ending his career by supporting Trump’s tax cut for the rich. Unsurprisingly, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce gave him an 80 percent grade on his voting record, while the AFL-CIO ranked him at 16 percent over his Senate career.
麦凯恩在这场丑闻中幸免于难，但他从未停止为老板服务，通过支持特朗普对富人的减税来结束他的职业生涯。 不出所料，美国商会在他的投票记录中给了他80％的评分，而AFL-CIO对他的参议院职业生涯评分为16％。
Like most fellow Republicans, McCain had a long history of bigoted statements and positions. He repeatedly used the racist term “gooks” to describe Vietnamese, opposed divestment and sanctions against apartheid South Africa, voted against Martin Luther King Day becoming a national holiday, supported a ban on abortion and verbally unleashed his temper on his own wife in the crudest misogynist language imaginable.
像大多数共和党人一样，麦凯恩有着悠久的狂信的声明和立场。 他多次用种族主义术语“gooks”来描述越南人，反对撤资和对种族隔离的南非进行制裁，投票反对马丁路德金日成为国定假日，支持禁止堕胎，并口头上用可以想象的厌恶女性的语言对他自己的妻子发脾气。
Even McCain’s opposition to Trump is exaggerated. Despite his sometimes sharp disagreements with Trump, McCain is responsible for helping open the way for him when he pandered to the Republican right by selecting Sarah Palin as his running mate in 2008.
甚至麦凯恩对特朗普的反对也被夸大了。 尽管他与特朗普有时会产生尖锐的分歧，但麦凯恩在2008年选择Sarah Palin作为他的竞选搭档时，在帮助特朗普开道进入共和党右翼内是有责任的。
And even though McCain and Trump traded shots over the past two years, McCain voted for Trump-supported legislation 83 percent of the time in the Senate.
即使麦凯恩和特朗普在过去两年中相互敌对，麦凯恩在参议院的83％的时间里都投票支持特朗普支持的立法。
His most famous moment of actual opposition to the Trump regime was his vote that doomed Republican attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act in July 2017. But he undermined this action with his support for a provision in last year’s tax-cut legislation that further gutted Obamacare by ending the individual mandate without any mechanism to replace it.
他最有名的地反对特朗普政权的那一刻是他的投票毁灭了共和党人在2017年7月废除“可负担医疗法案”的企图。但他支持去年减税立法中的一项规定，通过结束个人授权而没有任何机制来取代它进一步扼杀了奥巴马保障，从而破坏了这一行动。
BACK IN 2008, when McCain ran for president against Barack Obama, his reactionary record led liberal Democrats and many on the left to describe him as the greatest threat to peace, justice and democracy yet.
回到2008年，当麦凯恩与巴拉克•奥巴马竞争总统时，他的保守记录导致自由派民主党人和左派将他描述为对和平，正义和民主的最大威胁。
But all that has been flushed down the memory hole in the many tributes to him since his death.
但自从他去世以来，许多向他致敬的人的记忆中所有这一切都被冲刷掉了。
The Democratic and Republican Party establishments have more in common than differences, and they both defend a wretched status quo. For readers of this website, it’s not surprising when McCain is praised by the likes of Obama, Joe Biden or Chuck Schumer.
民主党和共和党的机构有更多的共同而不是不同，它们都捍卫了一种悲惨的现状。 对于本网站的读者来说，麦凯恩受到奥巴马，乔拜登或Chuck Schumer等人的称赞并不奇怪。
But what was shocking was to read statements from socialists Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez that echoed the same themes. Sanders, the senator from Vermont and 2016 candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, called McCain “an American hero, a man of decency and a friend of mine,” while Ocasio-Cortez, the surprise primary winner for a congressional seat from New York City, tweeted praise for his legacy as “an unparalleled example of human decency and American service” and for his friendship with the late Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy.
但令人震惊的是阅读社会主义者伯尼·桑德斯和Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez的声明，这些声明呼应了同样的主题。来自佛蒙特州的参议员和2016年民主党总统候选人候选人桑德斯称麦凯恩是“一个美国英雄，一个体面的人和我的朋友之一”，而Ocasio-Cortez，纽约市国会席位的令人惊讶的初选赢家，在推特上称赞他的遗产是“人类尊严和美国服务的无与伦比的榜样”以及他与已故民主党参议员特德肯尼迪的友谊。
Not only are these statements praising McCain groundless, but they do nothing to challenge — as socialists must — the patriotism and militarism that is being celebrated as a “lesser evil” to Trump among liberals and the Democratic Party.
这些声明不仅在毫无根据的赞扬麦凯恩，而且他们没有采取任何措施来挑战—作为社会主义者所必须的—爱国主义和军国主义在自由主义者和民主党中被称为相对于特朗普的“较小的邪恶”。
Was this simply a matter of Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez issuing a standard statement on the death of another politician? In a critical article in The Call, Joe Allen argues that the root of their mistake was falling into adoption of ritual expressions of condolence.
这只是桑德斯和Ocasio-Cortez关于另一位政治家死亡的标准声明吗？ 在The Call中的一篇重要文章中，Joe Allen争论说他们错误的根源在于陷入了对哀悼的仪式性表达中。
By contrast, journalist Arun Gupta argues that their praise for McCain flows from their participation in the Democratic Party, where “the gravitational force of the media, lobbyists and Democratic Party honchos will pull them ever closer to elites.”
相比之下，记者Arun Gupta认为，他们对麦凯恩的赞扬源于他们参与民主党的活动，“媒体的引力，游说者和民主党的荣誉将把他们推向更接近精英”。
Gupta makes the case that there is a logic of accommodation at work: “In all likelihood, as soon as Ocasio-Cortez won, Sanders and other political insiders told her, “You must ‘moderate’ to win. If you don’t, elites will destroy you. You will never get elected to Congress.”
Gupta认为工作中存在着适应性逻辑：“很有可能，一旦Ocasio-Cortez获胜，桑德斯和其他政治内部人士告诉她，”你必须’温和’才能获胜。 如果你不这样做，精英们会摧毁你。 你永远不会被选入国会。“
THE LIBERAL establishment denounced McCain as the very incarnation of the “greater evil” in 2008. Now he is seen as an ally in defending the good old days of Washington bipartisanship against Trump.
自由派在2008年谴责麦凯恩是“更大的邪恶”的化身。现在，他被视为华盛顿两党同盟对抗特朗普，捍卫美好旧日时光的盟友。
Nothing could be worse for the resistance to Trump than to accept the idea that the alternative to him and his right-wing agenda is the bipartisan U.S. political establishment and its two capitalist parties.
对抵抗特朗普来说，没有什么比选择两党美国政治机构及其两个资本主义政党的观点更糟糕，除了接受他和他的右翼议程之外。
Both the Republicans and Democrats are responsible for precipitating the rise of Trump and Trumpism. Their “Washington consensus” immiserated workers at home and abroad, deepened institutionalized oppression, led the U.S. into unending wars for global domination and drove the world economy into the Great Recession.
共和党人和民主党人都对促成特朗普和特朗普主义的崛起负有责任。 他们的“华盛顿共识”使国内外的工人受到伤害，加剧了制度化的压迫，导致美国陷入无休止的全球统治战争中，并推动世界经济陷入大衰退。
Trump and the new right — encouraged by McCain when he selected Palin as his running mate — took advantage of the real crises in our world to put forward reactionary solutions. Trump was able to win because the Democrats ran the very embodiment of the neoliberal status quo against him: Hillary “America is already great” Clinton.
特朗普和新右派—被麦凯恩选择佩林作为竞选伙伴所鼓舞—利用我们世界真正的危机来提出保守的解决方案。特朗普之所以能够获胜，是因为民主党人用可见的新自由主义现状反对他：希拉里“美国已经很伟大了”克林顿。
Now, watching the commemorations for McCain, there was no question that members of both parties wanted to use the flag-waving to rally support for a different brand of nationalism to Trump’s. As The New York Times described it: “The two-and-a-half-hour ceremony blended the majesty of the officially designated national house of prayer, the discipline of his cherished Naval Academy and the unabashed, unapologetic patriotism of a Fourth of July fireworks display.”
现在，看看为麦凯恩举办的纪念活动，毫无疑问两党成员都希望利用这一旗帜来支持和特朗普的品牌所不同的民族主义品牌。正如纽约时报所描述的那样：“两个半小时的仪式融合了官方指定的国家祈祷殿堂的威严，他珍视的海军学院的纪律以及七月四日烟火表演中展现的毫不掩饰的，毫无歉意的爱国主义精神。 ”
Daughter Megan McCain took advantage of this atmosphere to resuscitate Hillary Clinton’s campaign slogan: “The America of John McCain has no need to be made great again because America was always great.”
他的女儿梅根麦凯恩利用这种气氛来复苏希拉里克林顿的竞选口号：“约翰麦凯恩的美国没有必要再次变得伟大，因为美国总是伟大的。”
Socialists ask: For whom has America ever been great? Certainly, it has been a great ride for the rulers of America, from the slaveholders and architects of Native genocide who founded the nation to today’s robber barons like Jeff Bezos.
社会主义者问：谁的美国已经很伟大了？ 当然，对于美国的统治者们来说，这是一个伟大的旅程，从建立国家时对原住民的种族灭绝的奴隶主和建筑师到今天像杰夫贝佐斯这样的强盗贵族。
But the same can’t be said for the exploited workers and oppressed peoples who have paid for this wealth in blood, sweat and tears. Even more obviously, America has never been great for the countries it has occupied and bombed, beginning with the Philippines in 1898 and extending to “war on terror” of the 21st century.
但对于那些以血，汗和眼泪为这笔财富付出代价的被剥削的工人和被压迫的人民来说，情况并非如此。更为明显的是，从1898年的菲律宾开始到21世纪的“反恐战争”，对于那些被它所占领和轰炸的国家来说，美国从未伟大过。
As in every country, the American ruling class has always used patriotism to bind workers and the oppressed to them — to encourage the idea that U.S. workers have more in common with their bosses and political leaders than with the people of countries that are deemed to be enemies of America.
和其他所有国家一样，美国的统治阶级一直利用爱国主义将工人和压迫他们或她们的人捆绑在一起—鼓励这种观点，即美国工人与他们的老板和政治领袖有更多共同点而不是那些被认为是美国的敌人的国家的人民。
THUS, AT the heart of socialism is internationalism: the idea that the international working class has a common interest of opposing their own rulers in every country.
因此，社会主义的核心是国际主义：一个这样的观点，即国际工人阶级拥有一个共同利益：在每个国家反对他们或她们自己的统治者。
For Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez to call McCain “an American hero” and praise his “American service” compromises this fundamental cornerstone of socialism.
桑德斯和Ocasio-Cortez称麦凯恩为“美国英雄”并称赞他的“美国服务”破坏了这一社会主义的基本基石。
The rejection of nationalist fealty is all the more important given the intensifying inter-imperial rivalries taking place today — most importantly with China, but also with Russia and regional powers like Iran.
鉴于今天发生的帝国主义之间的激烈争斗—最重要的是与中国的争斗，以及与俄罗斯和像伊朗这样的地区大国的争斗，拒绝民族主义崇拜更加重要。
Trump has obviously used nationalism to whip up support for his confrontations with those powers, but the party leaders of both the Democrats and Republicans do exactly the same. McCain made an art of that during his decades of beating the drums of war, and far from dissenting, the Democratic Party has always been a devoted servant of U.S. imperialism.
特朗普显然煽动民族主义来发动支持他与这些大国的对抗，但民主党和共和党的党派领导人也是这么做的。 麦凯恩在几十年中创造了一种打响战鼓的艺术，并且离异议很远，民主党一直是美国帝国主义的忠实仆人。
Today, Trump often finds more support for his policies toward China among Democrats than Republicans.
今天，特朗普经常发现民主党人对他对中国的政策的支持度比共和党人更高。
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, for example, echoed Trump’s talking points in praising the administration’s imposition of new tariffs: “China takes total advantage of the United States. They steal our intellectual property using cyber theft…China will bark back. But they need us more than we need them — President Trump is right about that — and we should be strong. So I thought what he did on China is right.”
例如，参议院少数派领袖Chuck Schumer，在赞扬政府实施新的关税时重复了特朗普的谈话要点：“中国完全在利用美国的优势。 他们利用网络窃取窃取了我们的知识产权……中国将咬回来。但他们需要我们超过我们需要他们—特朗普总统是对的—我们应该坚强。所以我认为他对中国所做的是对的。“
On Russia, the Democrats have staked out an even more hawkish position than Trump, using alleged interference in the 2016 election to whip up the conflicts. In general, their criticism of Trump is that he has upset the U.S. imperialist alliance structure, compromising relationships with states like Canada and Germany.
对俄罗斯，民主党人比特朗普更加强硬，使用据称对2016年大选的干涉来煽动冲突。 总的来说，他们对特朗普的批评是，他打乱了美国帝国主义的联盟结构，破坏了与加拿大和德国等国家的关系。
In this regard, Sanders falls short of where socialists need to stand.
在这方面，桑德斯没有做到社会主义者所需要坚持的。
By comparison to other officeholders in Washington, including many liberal Democrats, Sanders has voiced greater opposition to national chauvinism and imperialist policies. His comments are often a welcome contrast to the hawkish Democratic Party leadership.
与华盛顿的其他公职人员（包括许多自由民主党人）相比，桑德斯表达了对国家沙文主义和帝国主义政策的更大反对。 他的言论常常与鹰派民主党领导层形成鲜明对比。
But his record is not consistently anti-imperialist. Sanders supported Bill Clinton’s war on Serbia in 1999, voted in favor of Bush’s war in Afghanistan and cast a “yes” vote on many military budgets, including those that funded the Iraq War. Sanders is also an endorser of boondoggle military program in his home state: the basing of the F-35 fighter at the airport in Burlington.
但他的记录并非始终是反帝国主义的。 桑德斯支持比尔克林顿发动的1999年对塞尔维亚的战争，投票支持布什在阿富汗的战争，并对许多军事预算投了赞成票，包括那些资助伊拉克战争的预算。桑德斯也是他所在州的军事计划的代言人：伯灵顿机场的F-35战斗机基地。
On trade issues, Sanders has lined up with Trump’s trade protectionism, tweeting, “I strongly support imposing penalties on countries like China, Russia, South Korea and Vietnam to stop illegal dumping of steel and aluminum.”
在贸易问题上，桑德斯已经与特朗普的贸易保护主义联系在一起，他发推文说：“我强烈支持对中国，俄罗斯，韩国和越南等国家实施处罚，以阻止非法倾销钢铁和铝。”
His position echoes the labor movement’s support for protectionism over many years, which has disastrously deflected attention from the real culprits for U.S. poverty and job losses — the American bosses who laid off workers in the U.S. and super-exploited them internationally — by making workers taking “American jobs” in other countries into the “enemy.”
多年来，他的立场与劳工运动对保护主义的支持相呼应，这种做法灾难性的摧毁了对美国的贫困和失业的真正罪魁祸首的关注—美国老板在解雇了美国的工人并在国际上超级剥削他们—通过让工人接受 “美国的工作”陷入了其他国家的“敌人”手中。
ALL THIS is important background for understanding the controversy over Sanders’ and Ocasio-Cortez’s statements honoring McCain. They are more than a ritual — the ideas they represent should be confronted and challenged by the left.
所有这些都是了解桑德斯和Ocasio-Cortez关于纪念麦凯恩的声明的争议的重要背景。 它们不仅仅是一种仪式—它们所代表的思想应该被左派们对抗和挑战。
By contrast, Seattle City Councilor and Socialist Alternative member Kshama Sawant sent a very different message with her statement on McCain:
相比之下，西雅图市议员和”社会主义选择“成员Kshama Sawant在她对麦凯恩的发言中发出了一个非常不同的信息：
A politician’s legacy is a political not personal question. An enthusiastic supporter of every imperialist war while in office, John McCain shares responsibility for hundreds of thousands of deaths. To whitewash that is to disrespect those who died in Iraq, Afghanistan, elsewhere…Not to mention the countless working people’s lives damaged by McCain’s support, as a Senator, for brutal neoliberal social and economic policies in the United States. Our solidarity belongs with the millions of families suffering under such policies here and abroad.
政治家的遗产是一个政治问题而非个人问题。 作为每一次帝国主义战争的热情支持者，约翰麦凯恩共享了对数十万人死亡所负有的责任。 粉饰这些是不尊重那些在伊拉克，阿富汗和其他地方死亡的人……更不用说麦凯恩作为参议员支持美国野蛮的新自由主义社会和经济政策而损害了无数劳动人民的生活。我们的团结属于数百万受国内外此类政策影响的家庭。
The new socialist left should follow this example in challenging McCain as a lesser evil and protesting the supposedly kinder, gentler form of imperialism put forward by the bipartisan establishment against Trump’s version.
新的社会主义左派应该效仿这一榜样，挑战将麦凯恩视为一种较小的罪恶的观点，并抗议两党为了对抗特朗普的版本所提出的更为温和，更绅士的帝国主义形式。
We should argue for an entirely different kind of politics and strategy, one of working class independence from both capitalist parties, international solidarity with workers and oppressed people around the world, and opposition across the board to U.S. imperialism as, in Martin Luther King Jr.’s words, the “greatest purveyor of violence in our world today.”
我们应该争论一种完全不同的政治和战略，一种是工人阶级独立于两个资本主义政党，和世界各地的工人们和被压迫的人民进行国际团结，以及全面反对美国帝国主义。 用马丁路德金的话来说，“今天世界上最大的暴力传播者”。
The resistance to Trump — in all its forms, from the Women’s Marches to Black Lives Matter, to the immigrant rights movement, to the teachers’ strike wave — can’t take its lead from the eulogies at McCain’s funeral, but from a left-wing politics that opposes all forms of exploitation, oppression and injustice.
对特朗普的抵抗 – 在所有的形式中，从妇女游行到黑人的命也是命，到移民权利运动，到教师的罢工浪潮—都不能从麦凯恩葬礼上的颂词中得到指引，而是从反对一切形式的剥削，压迫和不公正的左派政治中得到指引。
https://socialistworker.org/2018/09/04/a-hero-for-their-class-not-for-ours