4. Lenin and the Russian Revolution of 1917
4，列宁和1917年的俄国革命
The Russian Revolution of March 1917 occurred under circumstances which could not possibly have been more favorable for the socialist parties, even though not for the immediate introduction of Socialism. The czarist governmental machinery was in ruins, the obsolete nobility lay helpless, while the capitalist class, its capital largely of foreign origin, showed itself impotent. All-powerful were only the workers and intellectuals in combination with the peasantry. Among these the Socialists were in overwhelming majority – the Social Revolutionists among the peasants; the Social Democrats, Mensheviks as well as Bolsheviks, among the wage earners and intellectuals.
1,1917年三月发生的俄国革命（备注：即二月革命，俄历为二月）在一个对社会主义政党来说可能不会更合适的环境中发生，即使这环境不是为了马上介绍社会主义而产生的。沙皇政府机器成为了废墟，过时的贵族们孤立无助，而资产阶级们，他们的资本很大程度上来自外国，展示出了他们自己的无能。有力量的只有工人们和与农民联合的知识分子们。在这些人中间社会主义者们是压倒性的多数——农民中的社会主义革命者；在打工仔和知识分子中的社会民主主义者，孟什维克（备注：意思是少数派）和布尔什维克（备注：意思是多数派）。
After the fall of Czarism it appeared self-evident that the various Socialist parties, the Social Democrats and Social Revolutionists would work together in the Soviets, and that the cooperation would embrace both wings of the Social Democracy, Mensheviks and Bolsheviks. And why not? Did not all of them have a common aim: establishment of a democratic republic, the eight hour day, confiscation of the land?
2，在沙皇主义失败之后，这一点是不言而喻的：众多社会主义政党，社会民主主义者和社会革命主义者将会一起在苏维埃（备注：苏维埃的意思是工人和农民议会）中工作，而这一合作将会拥抱社会民主主义的两派，孟什维克和布尔什维克。为什么不呢？难道他们不是都有着共同的目标：建立一个民主共和国，八小时工作制，以及征用土地（备注：意思是土地国有化）吗？
But Lenin disliked intensely any such cooperation with the Socialists. Long before the revolution he had formed his own organization within the Social Democracy. This dual organization was built on military lines and within this organization Lenin had established his own dictatorship. For this reason he had brought about a split in the Russian Social Democracy in 1903 and declared war against all Social Democrats who had refused to pay blind obedience to his leadership.
3，但是列宁非常不喜欢与任何社会主义者进行合作。在革命爆发的很长一段时间之前，他就在社会民主党内建立了他自己的组织。这一双重组织建立在军队标准上，在组织内部列宁建立了他自己的独裁。因为这个他在1903年给俄国社会民主党带来了分裂，向所有拒绝盲目服从他的领导的社会民主主义者宣战。
After the split of 1903 and as late as July, 1914, shortly before the outbreak of the war, Lenin fought bitterly against unity with the Mensheviks. During the war he continued to preach the idea of split not only in the Russian Social Democracy but in the entire Socialist International. For this reason he fought bitterly against any united front of the workers when such a united front became possible after the revolution of 1917.
4，在1903年的分裂和1914年七月，战争爆发的不久之前，列宁残酷的反对与孟什维克联合。在战争期间他持续宣扬不仅将俄国社会民主党分裂而且将整个社会主义国际分裂的思想。因此他残酷的反对任何工人联合阵线，当这样一个联合阵线在1917年的革命中成为可能时。
Lenin was in Switzerland when the revolution of March, 1917, occurred in Russia. He returned to Russia a month after the revolution and found a situation which made him very bitter. Shortly before his arrival there was held an all-Russian conference of Soviets which revealed a very great measure of agreement between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks.
5，在革命于1917年三月于俄国爆发时，列宁在瑞士。在革命爆发一个月之后，他回到了俄国，然后发现了令其非常痛苦的情景。在他到达之前不久，一个所有俄国人的苏维埃会议召开了，而孟什维克和布尔什维克之间达成了共识。
“There followed at the conclusion of the conference a joint meeting of the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks to discuss unity of both factions. These negotiations were stopped through the arrival of Lenin, who succeeded in turning sharply the wheel of Bolshevist policy, although not without stubborn opposition of many influential Bolsheviks.” [1]
6，“在会议结束之后跟着开始了一个孟什维克和布尔什维克的联合会议，讨论两者之间的联合。列宁到达后，他们之间的协商就停止了，列宁成功将布尔什维克的政策变得极端，虽然很多被影响的布尔什维克坚持反对他。”
Lenin’s aim in the Russian Revolution was to destroy not only all organs of self-administration, but also all other parties and social organizations, except his own.
7，列宁在俄国革命中的目标是不仅摧毁所有自治器官，而且摧毁其他所有政党和社会组织，除了他自己的。
To this end he employed falsehood, slander and brutal force against all opponents, among whom he counted all Socialists, except those who were willing to obey his commands. He finally succeeded in smashing all his opponents through his coup d’etat of November 7, 1917.
8，为了实现这一目标，他使用了谎言，诽谤和暴力来反对所有反对者，他针对所有社会主义者，除了那些愿意服从他的命令的人。最终他通过1917年11月7日的政变实现了消灭所有反对者。
Nevertheless, efforts were continued by some to bring about a government of all Socialist parties.
9，多多少少的，一些人继续努力建立一个所有社会主义政党的联合政府。
“At this time Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Rjazanov, Lozowski and other prominent Bolsheviks demanded the formation of a Socialist government composed of all Soviet parties. They declared that formation of a purely Bolshevist government would lead to a regime of terror and to the destruction of the revolution and the country.” [2]
10，“此时Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Rjazanov, Lozowski和其他杰出的布尔什维克要求建立一个由所有社会主义政党组成的社会主义政府。他们宣称建立一个完全的布尔什维克政府会导致一个恐怖政权的出现，并毁灭这个国家的革命。”
But again Lenin won his point in the Bolshevist Parry. He hoped that the elections to the All Russian Constituent Assembly, which were then in progress, would bring him a majority.
11，但是列宁又在布尔什维克党中获胜了。他希望在俄国制宪会议选举中获得多数支持。
Until 1917 the Bolshevist Party regarded the dictatorship within its organization as a means of struggle for democracy in the state, and Lenin’s fight for democracy in the state proceeded along the line of the other socialist parties. Like the latter, as late as 1917, he demanded the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal suffrage.
12，直到1917年布尔什维克党还将他们内部的独裁说成是为了政权民主的努力，而列宁和其他社会主义政党一起推进民主。在此之后，在1917年晚期，他命令在普选权的基础上召集制宪议会。
The elections to the Constituent Assembly revealed that the Bolshevist Party had far from a majority in the Constituent Assembly. But the Socialist parties – Mensheviks, Bolsheviks and Social Revolutionists – constituted an overwhelming majority in the assembly. (The Bolsheviks had approximately one fourth of the membership, the Socialist Revolutionists having a majority. – Ed.) Once more the Bolsheviks had an opportunity to take part in a Socialist united front, which could be the basis of a government supported by the overwhelming majority of the people. A government founded on such a basis and having virtually the entire people behind it would have been in a position to crush without any difficulty any attempt at counterrevolution. In fact, any such attempt would have been nipped in the bud.
13，制宪议会选举表明布尔什维克党离取得制宪议会的主导还很远。但是社会主义政党——孟什维克，布尔什维克和社会革命者——在议会中取得了主导（布尔什维克的席位有四分之一，社会革命者占据主导）。又一次布尔什维克有机会加入社会主义联合阵线，可以成为一个被大部分人支持的政府的基础。一个建立在这样的基础上的以及几乎所有人都支持的政府将会处在一个能够毫无困难的击败任何反革命企图的位置上。事实上，任何这类尝试都将会被扼杀在萌芽中。
Had the Bolsheviks at that time agreed to a united front, Russia would have been spared the three years of civil war and the consequent horrible misery. Peace and freedom would have made possible rapid economic recovery and with it a speedy development of the working class, which in turn, would have promoted the realization of a large measure of Socialist economy and its successful administration. All this would have been possible without dictatorship, without terror, through the democracy of the workers and peasants. To be sure, we cannot say with certainty that this would have actually come to pass, but this was the only road that offered a possibility of obtaining for the people through the revolution as great a measure of liberty and welfare as existing circumstances permitted. But this would have been possible only through the establishment of a revolutionary government supported by the overwhelming majority of the population. Such a government could have been set up only on the basis of a united front of all Socialist parties.
14，如果布尔什维克们当时同意了组成联合阵线，俄国将会避免三年内战和内战导致的糟糕悲剧。和平和自由可能会快速恢复经济，并伴随着工人阶级的快速发展，反过来促进大规模的社会主义经济和其成功管理的实现。这些都可以在没有独裁，没有恐怖的情况下，通过工人和农民的民主而成为可能。可以确定的是，我们无法肯定的说这些都会实际发生，但是这些只是通向提供一种人民通过革命获得大量的自由和福利的可能的道路，而这是存在的局势许可的。但是只有建立一个被压倒性的多数所支持的革命政府才能将这一切变成可能。这样一个政府只有在所有社会主义政党组成联合阵线的基础上才能成立。
This united front was rendered impossible by the insatiable yearning for power on the part of Lenin and other leaders of the Bolsheviks. They dissolved the Constituent Assembly, which they themselves had previously so passionately championed, and with the help of the politically inexperienced and ignorant soldiery drawn from the disorganized army, whose support they had won by limitless and irresponsible promises, they succeeded in seizing power, by means of which they strengthened their own parry, organized on militarist lines, and crushed completely all their opponents.
15，这一联合阵线在列和其他布尔什维克领导人的对权力永不满足的欲望下变得不可能了。他们解散了制宪议会，而他们之前还非常热情的进行组织，然后在没有政治经验的和无知的从无组织的军队中来的士兵集合的帮助下，那些通过无限的和不负责任的承诺获得支持的人成功夺取了政权，这意味着他们增强了他们自己的武力，组织了军事化的战线，然后完全摧毁了所有反对者。
The Bolsheviks attained power and have been ruling ever since not through the confidence and support of the majority of the people.
16，布尔什维克获得了权力，在没有多数人的信心和支持下开始统治。
There were two roads open: the road of a Socialist united front or the road of power for the Bolsheviks alone over all other Socialists. It was the Bolsheviks who utilized a favorable combination of circumstances to render impossible any united front in order that they might establish their own dictatorship.
17，摆在他们面前的有两条路：一条通向社会主义联合阵线，或者是布尔什维克单独抛开其他社会主义者夺取政权。布尔什维克利用了有利情况的组合，将联合阵线变得不可能，而这是为了他们能建立起他们自己的独裁。
Having established this dictatorship, they inevitably created a situation in which only the mailed fist, unconcerned too much with intellectual and moral restraints, can be victorious.
18，他们建立了独裁之后，他们必将制造一种情景：只有邮寄的拳头（备注：这应当是比喻，意思是暴力），不考虑太多知识和道德上的枷锁，才能成功。
To emphasize their differentiation from the Social Democracy the Bolsheviks have called themselves Communists since 1918.
19，为了强调他们与社会民主主义者的不同，布尔什维克从1918年开始称呼他们自己为共产主义者。（备注：这就是为什么考茨基将书名取为社会民主主义对抗共产主义，因为布尔什维克为了独裁背叛了社会民主主义，而且他们也自称共产主义者。所以书名中的共产主义是特指布尔什维克和类似布尔什维克的独裁政党。）
Upon the ruins of democracy, for which Lenin had fought until 1917, he erected his political power. Upon these ruins he set up a new militarist-bureaucratic police machinery of state, a new autocracy. This gave him weapons against the other Socialists even more potent than shameless lies. He now had in his hands all the instruments of repression which czarism had used, adding to these weapons also those instruments of oppression which the capitalist, as the owner of the means of production, uses against wage slaves. Lenin now commanded all the means of production, utilizing his state power for the erection of his state capitalism.
20，在民主的废墟之上，列宁为此斗争直到1917年，他竖立起了他的政治权力。在这些废墟之上他建立了一个新的军国主义——官僚主义警察国家机器，一种新的独裁。这给了他对抗其他社会主义者的武器，这甚至比无耻的谎言更有效。他现在掌握了所有沙皇时期用过的压迫工具，然后添加上这些被资本主义者使用的压迫工具，成为生产资料的所有者，使用这些工具对付雇佣奴隶。列宁现在控制了所有生产资料，利用他的政府权力建立起了他的国家资本主义。（备注：这里考茨基说的“国家资本主义”是苏联和毛贼时期中国的本质。）
No form of capitalism makes the workers so absolutely dependent upon it as centralized state capitalism in a state without an effective democracy. And no political police is so powerful and omnipresent as the Cheka or G.P.U., created by men who had spent many years in fighting the czarist police, and knowing its methods as well as its weaknesses and shortcomings, knew also how to improve upon them.
21，没有任何其他形式的资本主义使得工人们在一个没有有效民主的国家内完全依赖于中心化的国家资本主义。也没有任何警察国家如此强大和无所不在，例如契卡或G.P.U.（备注：我没有搜到相关资料，搜索结果全是GPU（图形处理器）），由那些与沙俄警察作战的人建立，他们知道沙俄警察的手段和弱点和短处，也知道如何进行改进。
It would have been absolutely unnecessary to resort to any of these instruments of repression had Lenin agreed to form a coalition with the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionists in 1917. These parties commanded the support of the overwhelming majority of the population, as the elections to the Constituent Assembly had shown. Everything of a truly progressive nature which the Bolsheviks sought at that time to realize was also part of the program of the other Socialist parties and would have been carried out by them, for the people had empowered them to do so. The confiscation of the big landed estates had also been planned by the Social Revolutionists and Mensheviks-they actually put it into effect in Georgia. Abolition of illiteracy, marriage law reform, social welfare measures, children’s homes, public hospitals, shop councils, unemployment insurance and laws for the protection of labor, about all of which such a big-to-do is being made in Soviet Russia, have been attained to a much greater and more perfect degree in capitalist countries where the democracy of labor has won any considerable power. The socialization of heavy industry, insofar as this would have appeared economically advantageous, would likewise have been approved by the majority of the Constituent Assembly.
22，如果列宁在1917年同意和孟什维克和社会革命党联合，那么就完全没有必要建立任何压迫机器。这些政党有着压倒性的多数人口的支持，就像制宪议会的选举展示的那样。布尔什维克在那时寻求的所有真正进步的目标同时也是其他社会主义政党的纲领，而他们也会去执行这些纲领，因为人民推动他们这么做。对大地主土地的征用也在社会革命党成员和孟什维克的计划中——事实上他们在格鲁吉亚实现了这点。消除文盲，婚姻法修改，社会福利建设，儿童的家园，公立医院，车间议会，失业保险和劳工保护法律，这些所有在苏维埃俄国的大待办事项在那些工人民主赢得任何不可忽视的力量时都更好的和更完善的实现了。对重工业的社会化，只要这能带来明显的经济上的好处，那么制宪议会的多数也很可能会去实现。
All the innovations in the domain of social welfare in which the Communists take so much pride and which so greatly impress tourists would have been introduced by the majority of the Constituent Assembly, and in much better fashion than the dictatorship has been able to do, because the country’s economic condition would have been immeasurably better. All the social welfare measures in force in Russia suffer from lack of resources, the hasty and ill-prepared manner in which they have been introduced, as well as from the methods of brutal force used by the dictators even in instances where abstention from force would have been more advantageous. Many workers were thereby embittered against the new regime when their willing cooperation was possible and necessary.
23，所有那些共产主义者们自豪和吸引游客们的社会福利创新也会被制宪议会的主流所介绍，而且比独裁政权做得更好，因为国家的经济状况会比独裁政权下好很多。所有俄国的社会福利都受到资源缺乏的损害，他们带来社会福利的方式匆忙又没有准备，而被独裁者们使用的暴力甚至应该被放弃，放弃暴力会带来更多好处。许多工人们对被迫与新政权对抗而感到痛苦，他们本来是愿意联合的，而这一联合是可能的和必要的。
How disgusting and unnecessary, for example, have been the forms of struggle against religion in Soviet Russia. The dictatorship does not seek to find a substitute for religion by promoting independent critical thinking and knowledge – such methods are not in the nature of dictatorship. Religious services and institutions, sacred to the devout, are subject to the coarsest insults and humiliations. Without the slightest necessity, harmless, devout folk are embittered and made to suffer while simultaneously the free thinkers themselves are degraded by such low forms of anti-religious propaganda.
24，例如，苏维埃俄国对抗宗教的形式非常不必要和恶劣。独裁政权并不寻求通过推进独立批判性思考和知识来替代宗教——这一方式不符合独裁的本性。宗教服务和机构，对虔诚的信徒来说是神圣的，被粗暴的冒犯和羞辱。根本没有任何必要的，无害的，虔诚的信徒被迫遭受痛苦和受到折磨，这同时使得自由思想者自己通过这种低级的反宗教宣传而自降身份。（备注：考茨基这段说得很不错，宗教的本质是盲从，而独立批判性思考则是宗教的死敌和非信神者的朋友，但布尔什维克的粗暴手段反倒给了教徒攻击自由思想者的口实。）
All such difficulties of social change as arise from lack of means, undue haste, opposition of the population, would have largely been averted if these changes had been the work of the Constituent Assembly. They were accomplished directly or indirectly through the civil war, which was the inevitable consequence of Lenin’s dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by the hands of his sailors in January 1918.
25，所有这些社会改变中的困难来自于缺乏资料， 不必要的匆忙，反对人民，而如果这些改变通过制宪议会进行，那么这些可以在很大程度上避免。在内战中这些问题直接或间接的出现，而这是列宁在1918年通过他的水兵之手解散制宪议会造成的必然后果。
The majority behind the Constituent Assembly was so overwhelming that not a single one of the czarist generals dared move against it. Had any one of them ventured to do so he would have had no following. These generals were emboldened to counter-revolutionary mutiny only after Lenin had dissolved Constituent Assembly and enabled them to put forward the pretense of seeking to restore the rights of the Assembly.
26，制宪议会的主流是压倒性的多数，以至于没有任何一个沙俄将军敢反对。如果他们中间任何一个人冒险这么做，那么不会有人追随他。这些将军们有底气发动反对革命的兵变是因为列宁解散了制宪议会，这使得他们寻求恢复在议会中的权利。
Had Lenin not dissolved the Constituent Assembly, Russia would have been spared the civil war with all its horrors, cruelties and destruction. How much richer the country would have been, how much greater the good of the social transformation! All the enormous expenditures of the military bureaucratic police apparatus, insofar as it has been devoted to purposes of repression, could have been spared. These expenditures could have been applied to productive purposes for the promotion of the general welfare.
27，如果列宁没有解散制宪议会，俄国将会避免经历恐怖，残忍和破坏性的内战。国家能够变得更富裕，社会转变变得更有利！所有花在军事官僚警察机器上的巨大支出，为了压迫这一目的而设立，也会被避免。这些支出可以被用在生产上，从而推进大众福利。
The population should have been accorded the greatest possible measure of freedom, freedom of the press, of assembly, of organization, of self-government. Under such conditions the masses would have speedily developed economically, physically, intellectually. All this stimulation of independent thinking and mutual confidence among the workers, peasants and intellectuals would have genuinely enhanced the development of socialist production, of a nation of liberty, equality, fraternity.
28，人民们应当获得最大程度的自由，出版自由，议会自由，组织自由，自我统治的自由。在这样的条件下大众将会迅速在经济上，身体上，知识上发展。所有这些都会促进工人们，农民们和知识分子们的独立思考和相互信任，而这会大大增强对社会生产的发展，和对自由，平等，博爱的国家的发展。
This noble development was halted on the day when Lenin ordered his military bands to make an end of the Constituent Assembly.
29，这些高贵的发展在列宁命令他的军队终结制宪议会的那天终止了。
Certainly, the fact that it proved easy to dissolve it indicates the high degree of political immaturity of the elements who dominated Petrograd at that time – quite ignorant soldiery who had but one wish, immediate peace, and who sensed that Lenin’s dictatorship was the one infallible instrument to bring it about.
30，显然，事实是这一切证明了如此容易的解散了制宪议会表明了高度的政治幼稚在当时主宰了彼得格勒——无知的士兵只有一个愿望，立刻实现和平，而他们感到列宁的独裁是带来和平的万无一失的工具。
Not the confidence of the majority of the working class but the complication of the revolution by the war brought Bolshevism to power. And because it did not possess this confidence it was compelled, once in power, to maintain itself by terrorism, which it is employing to this day without the slightest prospect of its mitigation.
31，并不是工人阶级主流的信任而是战争带来的革命复杂性为布尔什维克带来权力。因为这并不是由这一信任带来的，这是由强迫带来的，一旦布尔什维克掌握政权，他们只能通过恐怖主义维持权力，并导致了无法减缓这一前景（备注：指恐怖主义）的现实。
It is often said that terror belongs to the nature of revolution, that revolutions are not made with rose water or silk gloves, and that this has ever been so.
32，经常有人说恐怖是革命的本性之一，革命不是用玫瑰水或丝绸手套做成的，这次革命也只是和之前的革命一样。
It is, indeed, a peculiar revolutionism which asserts that what has always been must ever be so. Moreover, it is not true that there never were revolutions without terror. The great French Revolution began in 1789, but the terror did not come until September 1792, and only as a consequence of war. Not the revolution but war brought about the terror as well as the dictatorship. Revolutions resort to terror only when they are driven to civil war.
33，的确，一种奇特的革命主义声称曾经有过的必然会一直持续下去。不过，没有不含有恐怖的革命这一说法本身不是事实。伟大的法国大革命开始于1789，但是恐怖直到1792年才开始出现，而这只是战争的后果而已。不是革命，而是战争带来了恐怖和独裁。革命只有在走向内战时才会出现恐怖。
This was absolutely unnecessary in Russia in 1917. Democracy had been achieved. The workers and peasants were in power. The demands of labor could have been satisfied by democratic methods, insofar as these demands were compatible with the interests of the peasantry and with the material resources available.
34，在1917年的俄国，这一切都是完全没有必要的。民主已经被实现了。工人和农民获得权力了。劳工们的要求可以通过民主的方式满足，只要这些要求和农民的利益是兼容的，以及物质资源足够。
The rule of the overwhelming majority in the interest of the overwhelming majority does not require the use of brutal force in a democratic state in order to assert itself.
35，压倒性多数的统治要满足压倒性多数的利益，这在民主国家中并不需要使用暴力以实现这一目标。
In the election to the Constituent Assembly 36,000,000 votes were cast, of which only 4,000,000 were polled by the bourgeois parties and 32,000,000 by the socialist parties. The Assembly was in no way threatened from the right. It was in a position to proceed undisturbed, with full hope of success, with the task of the regeneration of Russia and preparation for Socialism.
36，在制宪议会的选举中有36000000人投票，其中只有4000000票支持资产阶级政党，而有32000000票支持社会主义政党。议会完全不会受到任何来自右派的威胁。当时的情况下重建俄国和准备社会主义的任务的进程是不被干扰的，成功的希望也很大。
As the Bolsheviks saw it, it had but one great fault: they had failed to obtain a majority in it. The Bolsheviks received 9,000,000, while 23,000,000 votes were cast for the other Socialist parties. This was an intolerable situation for any brave Bolshevik. The Constituent Assembly would have carried out everything in the interests of labor that was at all realizable, and in more rational, more successful manner than the Bolsheviks acting alone have been able to do. But this would have required the Bolsheviks to act merely as equals and not as a party of dictatorship issuing orders from above.
37，但布尔什维克看到了一个巨大的失败：他们没能成功维持主导。布尔什维克获得9000000票，而23000000票选择了其他社会主义政党。对于任何勇敢的布尔什维克来说，这是无法被容忍的。制宪议会将会可靠的满足所有工人的利益，并且比布尔什维克的单独行动做得更理性，更成功。但是这要求布尔什维克平等的对待其他政党，而不是当一个高高在上的发布命令的独裁政党。
Against any such democratic procedure the Bolsheviks struggled with all their might, and they utilized a favorable situation to dissolve the Constituent Assembly. This blow they struck not against a czarist, aristocratic, bourgeois or “white guardist” counter revolution but against the other Socialist parties, who had been more successful than the Bolsheviks in the struggle for the soul of the workers and peasants.
38，布尔什维克的所有努力都与这样的民主程序相反，然后他们利用了有力情形以解散制宪议会。这一灾难表明了他们的打击并不是针对沙俄势力，贵族，资产阶级或“白色守卫”反革命，而是针对其他社会主义政党，它们比布尔什维克在斗争中更成功的吸引了工人和农民。
Hence, the abolition of all democratic rights of masses, ergo the terror. It was the necessary consequence of the rule of a minority over the great majority of the people. Hence, the fact that the terror has been indispensable for the Bolsheviks not only in the civil war but throughout the years after its conclusion. They resort to terror not only as a means of repelling counter-revolution but as an instrument of holding down and destroying all revolutionists among the workers and peasants who refuse to submit without protest to the whip of the new Red czar and his Communist Cossacks.
39，由此，剥夺了大众的所有民主权利导致了恐怖。这是小部分人统治大部分人的必然结果。因此，事实是对于布尔什维克来说，不仅在内战中恐怖是必要的，而且在内战结束之后始终都是必要的。他们采用恐怖，不仅是为了镇压反革命，而且是将恐怖作为一种镇压和毁灭所有工人和农民中的拒绝服从新的红色沙皇的皮鞭和他的共产主义哥萨克们的革命者们。
Having seized control, Lenin at once conceived himself powerful enough to undertake from above and by utopian methods the carrying out of a task which until then he himself as a disciplined Marxist had regarded as unrealizable, namely the immediate establishment of the Socialist order of production with the aid of an immature working class. It should be noted that it was a question not of village communism, for the private economy of the individual peasant was preserved (until the collectivization under Stalin – Ed.), but of state economy in industry and commerce.
40，在夺取控制权后，列宁开始设想他自己有足够权力承担和使用乌托邦手段来实现一个任务，而这一任务在他还是一个受训练的马克思主义者时认为是无法实现的，这一任务就是在没有发育成熟的工人阶级的帮助下立刻建立社会主义生产秩序。应当注意到的是问题不在于农村共产主义，因为个体农民的私人经济被保留了（直到斯大林进行集体化），而是国家的工业和金融经济。
This was the task undertaken by Lenin, in opposition to the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionists, who declared the undertaking utopian and unrealizable. They likewise denounced the dictatorship and the destruction of democracy.
41，这是一个列宁实现的任务，在孟什维克和社会革命党的反对下，他们声明这是乌托邦的和无法实现的。他们同样反对独裁和民主的破坏。
https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch04.htm