6. Is Soviet Russia A Socialist State? [1]
6，苏维埃俄国是社会主义国家吗？
We do not know whether Lenin would have continued the NEP. He died in 1924. After his death, differences arose among the Bolsheviks on the question of the NEP. And indeed its development demanded the adoption of a definite policy. It was necessary either to extend the system, which promised an economic upturn but threatened the existence of the dictatorship, or to abolish the NEP and return to integral communism. It was the latter that was decided upon by Stalin, who had gained unlimited authority among Lenin’s followers.
1，我们不知道列宁是否会继续新经济政策（NEP）。他在1924年死了。在他死后，布尔什维克们在NEP的问题上发生了分歧。确实，俄国的发展要求承认一个确定的政策。要么扩展这一系统，会导致经济增长，但是会威胁到独裁的存在，或者抛弃NEP然后回到完整的共产主义。后者被斯大林所决定，他在列宁的追随者中获得了无限的权威。
State industry, however, was in a precarious condition and facing imminent ruin. Its production apparatus had to be overhauled. And so once more the Bolsheviks recalled Marxist doctrine, upon which after all Bolshevism at the beginning was founded, namely, that modern Socialism could develop only on the basis of a highly advanced heavy industry. It was decided, therefore, to create this industry at express train speed with the aid of a Five Year Plan. Within five years, beginning with 1928, it was planned to build an industrial organization that was to eclipse even that of the United States.
2，然而，国家工业处在一个危险的状态下，并即将面临毁灭。生产设备需要大修。布尔什维克们再一次重新呼吁马克思的教条，毕竟布尔什维克在一开始是建立在这一基础上的：现代社会主义只能在高度发展的重工业的基础上发展出来。因此，他们决定在五年计划的协助下以火车般的速度创造出这种工业。在五年内，于1928年开始，他们计划建设一个工业化组织，甚至能够遮蔽美国的成果。
The Five Year Plan was undertaken as a result of the desperate economic situation in Soviet Russia. War and civil war had undermined all industry. Added to these were the effects of the original nationalization of industrial plants in 1918, under which industry found itself in a state fluctuating between anarchy and militarization. The output of Russian industry was rapidly approaching zero.
3，五年计划的承诺是苏维埃俄国令人绝望的经济形势的结果。战争和内战破坏了所有的工业。更糟糕的是1918年的国有化工业设施是建立在国家在无政府和军事化之间的波动的基础上的。俄国工业的产出迅速接近于0。
This situation, emphasized by the Kronstadt rebellion, (in 1921) led to the New Economic Policy, which continued until 1928, the year of the introduction of the Five Year Plan. The NEP and return to peace brought a temporary revival of economic life. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks could not stop with the New Economic Policy. They did not realize that intellectuals were part of a working class, that the working class could not emancipate itself and achieve a higher order of production without the full and willing cooperation of a sufficient number of able and well trained intellectuals.
4，这一状况在Kronstadt起义中（1921）导致了新经济政策的出现，持续到1928年，这一年是五年计划的第一年。新经济政策和恢复和平带来了经济生活的暂时复苏。事实上，布尔什维克无法停止新经济政策。他们没有意识到知识分子们也是工人阶级的一部分，工人阶级无法在没有进行足够的和有效数目的有能力的和良好训练过的知识分子们的自愿合作下是无法解放自己或实现更高的生产目标的。
The socialist conceptions of the Bolsheviks were so primitive and crude that they failed to realize this. They preached the gospel of the mailed fist of labor, branded the intellectuals (insofar as they were not members of the Communist Party) as on a par with the “bourgeoisie” and the capitalists, and reduced them to the condition of pariahs without any rights. But the Communists soon realized that they did not have within their own ranks an adequate supply of talent capable of directing industrial plants. Their operation had to be entrusted to “class enemies,” who from the beginning regarded the new economy as misguided and destructive, and whose opposition was accentuated by the ill treatment accorded them. Looked upon with distrust, they were subjected to constant control by utterly incapable fanatical Communists, and made the scapegoats for every failure. Under the desperate conditions prevailing, failures continued to multiply while the managers of Soviet industry, living in an atmosphere of increasing terrorism, found themselves helpless in the hands of their Communists masters.
5，布尔什维克们对社会主义的概念是非常原始和粗糙的，但他们并没有意识到这一点。他们向工人宣讲关于拳头的福音（备注：意为鼓吹暴力），把知识分子们打上“资产阶级”和资本主义者的标签（只要他们还不是共产党的成员），把他们贬低到贱民的程度，没有任何权利。但是共产主义者们很快意识到他们内部缺乏对工业生产的供应进行指导的能力。他们的行动必须得到“阶级敌人们”的信任，那些人在一开始就指出新经济是误导性的和破坏性的，而他们的反对加剧了对他们的迫害。在不信任的基础上，他们被完全无能的狂热的共产主义者们完全控制了，并且被当作所有失败的替罪羊。在绝望的环境的推动下，失败持续不断的出现，而苏维埃工业的管理者们生活在不断增长的恐怖气氛下，他们发现在共产主义者主子手下非常无助。
Lack of skilled labor constituted an additional difficulty. Shortage of such labor was also a feature of czarist Russia, due to lack of proper educational facilities. The war had served to reduce still more the number of skilled workers, while curtailing the training of additional forces. This shortage was further aggravated during the revolution when many skilled workers – provided they were Communists or “non-partisans” – were transferred as a matter of favoritism from the factories to government jobs.
6，技术工人的缺乏构成了额外的困境。缺乏这样的工人也是沙俄的特征之一，因为缺乏合适的教育机构。战争导致了技术工人的大量减少，同时缩短了额外力量的训练时间。这一短期之后在革命中恶化了，很多技术工人——他们是共产主义者或“无党派的”——从工厂工作转为为政府工作。
All this put industry at a great disadvantage. Worst of all, however, was the effect of the tremendous state apparatus which the dictatorship had to set up in order to maintain itself. Nationalized industry was subjected to the domination of this machine which, under the circumstances, assumed increasingly larger proportions. The dictatorship inevitably brought about a condition in which all organizations subordinate to it were deprived of any independence. The absence of any outlet for open criticism made it necessary to extend in ever growing measure the task of keeping watch over the state apparatus, in proportion as it grew in scope and unwieldiness. This slow, top-heavy, artificial, bureaucratic machine vitiated the joy and efficiency of labor. An inevitable concomitant of these conditions was the spread of corruption, which certainly did not improve matters.
7，所有这些都为工业带入了巨大的缺陷中。然而，最糟糕的是，巨大的通过独裁维持自身的国家机器造成的影响。国有化的工业被控制在这一机器的手中，在这一状况下，假设了更大的增长比例。独裁直接带来了一种所有组织附属在独裁政权身边，任何独立性都被剥夺的状况。对于公开的批评的出口的缺乏使得监视国家机器这一任务变得越来越必要，在范围和臃肿程度上都变得越来越大。这一缓慢的，笨重的，人造的，官僚化的机器将劳工们的兴趣和效率都污染了。一个直接的附加后果是腐败的扩散，很显然这是不会提升物质水平的。
The leading Bolsheviks themselves looked with dissatisfaction upon the degeneration of economic life arising from the effects of the rampant bureaucracy. Individual departments came under the criticism of the Soviet press. This was so called “self-criticism.” But all that these outbursts of indignation against the bureaucrats accomplished was punishment of a few scapegoats and individuals guilty of particularly glaring inefficiency.
8，布尔什维克的领导者们自己对在猖獗的官僚独裁的影响下造成的经济生活的衰退很不满。个别部门在苏维埃出版物上被批判。这被叫做所谓的“自我批评”。但是所有这些爆发出来的对官僚们的愤怒只造成了对几个替罪羊的惩罚和特别没有效率的个人的判罪。
These were the reasons why Soviet industry was unable to move forward with any marked degree of success under the NEP, although production did increase somewhat over that of 1918-21, the period of “military communism.”
9，这就是为什么苏维埃工业无法再重现新经济政策（NEP）时代的成功，虽然产量比起1918-21年“军事共产主义”时期提升了。
Prices of industrial commodities rose above pre-war and world-market levels. The purchasing power of the peasant declined in growing measure as a result of the state’s determined efforts to keep down prices of farm products. This gave rise to a dangerous oppositionist tendency on the part of the peasants, who replied by cutting down production in the face of the disquieting growth of the population, which was proceeding at the rate of more than 3,000,000 annually. Worst of all, was the fact that despite all increases in prices industry was able to meet only wages and costs of materials, without any margin to cover wear and tear of machinery, to say nothing of creating a surplus for the extension of plants and equipment commensurate with the tremendous growth in population. The production apparatus taken over by the Soviet Government from its capitalist predecessors was rapidly deteriorating. This threatened to bring industry to a complete standstill.
10，工业商品的价格在战前和世界市场的水平上提升了。农民的购买力降低得越来越厉害，这是政府坚持压低农业产品价格的结果。这导致了农民中的危险的反对派趋向的崛起，反对者们以降低产量作为对令人不安的人口的增长的应对，人口增长率越来越高，已经超过了3000000。（备注：这个数字很奇怪，我不知道考茨基用的是什么单位，但是就人口增长率来说也太大了）最糟糕的是，事实是尽管有价格增长，工业只能负担工资和原材料的成本，没有任何剩余能够解决机器的磨损和破坏，更没有创造出与巨大的人口增长相称的能用来增添设施和装备的剩余。被苏维埃政府从前任资本家手中收缴过来的生产设备迅速变坏。这导致了一种威胁：工业生产完全停顿。
Under Stalin’s leadership the Soviet Government there upon decided to embark upon an attempt as bold as it was colossal of extricating itself from the swamp which threatened to engulf it. All of Russia’s resources were to be mobilized and concentrated, to the neglect of all other branches of activity, upon the development of heavy industry. In the event of success, it was contemplated to develop similarly the lighter industries, agriculture and, finally, the cultural domain. Heavy industry was to be developed as quickly as possible, the fear being that even as powerful a national organism as the Russian people could not very long withstand the enormous strain to which it was being subjected by the task set before it. Heavy industry was to be completely reorganized within five years, the promise being, however, that the beneficient effects of new construction were to manifest themselves in an improvement of living conditions within two to three years.
11，在斯大林的领导下苏维埃政府决定开始进行一种将自身从巨大的沼泽中解脱出来的尝试，这一巨大沼泽产生了吞噬他们自身的威胁。俄国的所有资源都被转移和集中了，忽略了所有其他分支活动，完全拿来发展重工业。在成功的案例中，它们考虑到了在轻工业，农业和文化领域进行类似的发展。重工业被尽可能快的发展，他们害怕即使是像俄国人民一样强大的国家组织也无法承受被这一设定的任务造成的巨大的过劳。重工业在五年内被完全重新组织起来了，然而，承诺说的是新建设的有益效果会在两至三年内明显的表现在他们的生活条件的提升上。
This was to be the Five Year Plan. The plan was immediately put into execution with all the zeal and energy available. But the causes which had contributed to the failure of industry under the NEP, despite the temporary improvement, remained unaltered: lack of skilled labor, the outlawing of plant managers, and particularly the crippling of production by the monstrous, bureaucratic machine which is simultaneously the instrument of the governing apparatus of the dictatorship and the administrative apparatus of production.
12，这成为了五年计划。这一计划立刻使用了所有可用的劲头和能量。但是造成了NEP下工业失败的那些因素，尽管有暂时的提升，这些还是没有改变：技术工人的缺乏，工厂管理人员被非法，特别是怪物般的官僚化的机器造成了生产的瘫痪，同时这一机器是独裁的统治机器的工具和生产管理机器。
To the old misery which the Five Year Plan inherited and perpetuated had been added a great deal of new suffering. This was inevitable. The execution of the plan required immense capital. Where was this to be obtained? Capitalist industry creates tremendous surplus values which permit the capitalists not only to live and to maintain expensive armies and navies, but to accumulate also immense capital reserves. Soviet industry has barely managed to pay wages and costs of materials. The costs of the army, the police, the bureaucracy, the state controlled press, the Communist Party must be met for the most part by exploitation of the peasantry. Under these circumstances, how were the enormous resources necessary for the realization of the Five Year Plan to be obtained? Through loans from capitalist countries of the “decayed West?”
13，五年计划继承和延续了过去的悲剧，并增添了巨大的新灾难。这是必然的。这一计划的执行需要大量的资本。从哪里获取这些资本呢？资本主义的工业创造了巨额剩余价值，允许资本家们不仅能生存下去和维持昂贵的陆军和海军，而且积累大量的资本储量。苏维埃工业只能勉强支付工资和原材料成本。军队的花费，警察的花费，官僚的花费，政府控制的出版物的花费，共产党必须通过剥削农民来支付这些费用。在这样的情形下，那些五年计划需要的巨额的资源需求如何获取呢？通过像“腐烂的西方”的资本主义国家借贷？
These, to be sure, the Bolsheviks tried hard to obtain, but the credits received, through maneuvers of doubtful moral character, were very far from sufficient. Only from Russia herself could the great bulk of the capital necessary for the Five Year Plan be sought, for the machinery required and supplied by foreign capitalists had to be paid for.
14，可以确定的是，布尔什维克努力尝试去获取贷款，但是他们的信誉，通过一些道德可疑的人物的导向，离有效很远。只有通过俄国自身，五年计划才能得到寻求的巨大数目的必需资本，因为他们需要的由外国资本家们供应的机器必须被付款才能得到。
The problem, could, therefore, be solved only by depriving the Russian population, which contains virtually no capitalists but only wage-earners, peasants and intellectuals, of the product of its labor to the extent which would barely keep it from revolting or dying of hunger in the streets. Everything that can possibly be squeezed out of the people was sold in the world market at any price. The proceeds were devoted to purchasing machinery and equipment from capitalists abroad. During the “Piatiletka” (Russian term for the Five Year Plan), there were accomplished indeed colossal things that aroused the amazement and admiration of the capitalist world and of many Socialists who had previously maintained a skeptical attitude toward the Bolshevik experiment. Some of them took the view which they themselves had previously rejected. They said, “Well, it is true that the Bolshevik methods are not suitable for us; nevertheless they seem to lead to socialist construction in Russia.”
15，这一问题只能通过剥削俄国人民解决，而俄国人民中没有资本家，只有打工仔，农民和知识分子，他们的劳动的产品仅仅能维持他们不在街头饿死或被迫反抗。所有能够从人民手中压榨出来的产品都被拿去在世界市场上以任意价格卖出了。获得到的利润被拿来从外国资本家中购买机器和设备。在“Piatiletka”（五年计划的俄文）中，的确实现了一些巨大的东西，资本主义世界感到了震惊和羡慕，也包括很多之前对布尔什维克的实验的态度是怀疑的社会主义者们。其中一些人之前拒绝采用这种视角，但现在采用了。他们说，“哦，布尔什维克模式真的不适合我们；然而他们看起来在俄国领导了社会主义建设。”
An indirect criticism of this view was once offered by Lenin himself in the days of czarism, when he was ridiculing the czarist government. In January 1905, he published in the newspaper Vperiod an article about the Russian reverses in the war with Japan, where he clearly proved that those reverses were the result of Russia’s lack of freedom, which hindered the efforts of energetic and selfreliant people without whom it was impossible to win a war.
16，一个关于这种视角的间接批评是列宁在沙俄时期自己写的，当他在嘲笑沙皇政府的时候。在1905年1月，他在Vperiod 这份报纸上发表了一篇关于俄国在与日本的战争中败退的文章，他清晰的证明了这些失败是俄国缺乏自由的结果，这阻碍了有能量的和独立的人民的努力，在没有这些的情况下赢得战争是不可能的。
“Events have proved,” wrote Lenin, “how right those foreigners were that tens and hundreds of millions of roubles were wasted on the purchase and construction of magnificent dreadnoughts, and who pointed out that all these expenditures were useless in the absence of people capable of handling modern military machinery and navigating modern vessels.”
17，“事件被证明了，”列宁写道，“那些外国人是多么正确，几千万甚至上亿的卢布被浪费在购买和建设华丽的无畏舰，他们指出所有这些装备都是无用的，因为人民缺乏掌控现代军事机器和导航现代军舰的能力。”
This applies both to machines intended for destruction and those built for production. Machines are useless if there are no competent people to tend them.
18，这同时揭示了破坏机器和生产机器最需要的。如果没有能够胜任维护工作的人，那么机器就是无用的。
Indeed, what characterizes modern production is not only a highly developed technique but also highly qualified workers who know how to operate the latest machinery and who are to be found in sufficient numbers only in a democracy. These workers are the prerequisites, even to a larger extent than the machines, of a true Socialist society that guarantees welfare and freedom to all.
19，的确，组成现代生产的，不仅只有高度发展的技术，而且还有知道如何操作最新机器的高技术工人们，而只有在民主下才会有足够数目的工人出现。这些工人们是先决条件，甚至比机器的规模更大，在真正的社会主义社会中所有人的福利和自由都会实现。
In Russia, however, under the Czar as well as under the Bolsheviks all efforts have always been directed toward importing the modern technique of capitalist countries, but not the freedom which creates modern men.
20，然而，在俄国，在沙皇和布尔什维克的统治下，所有的努力都导向从资本主义国家进口现代技术，但是没有创造出现代人所需要的自由。
In the ’60’s of the past century, under the influence of the defeat suffered in the Crimean War, a liberal movement sprang up among a section of the Russian nobility. This faction, after abolishing serfdom, wanted to emulate the English aristocracy in conducting a modern economy. The abolition of serfdom brought to some of the landowners large indemnities which they used in the purchase of agricultural machinery in England. But they could not import English workers along with the machinery, or if they could it was only in small numbers. The peasants, who by law had just been freed from serfdom but who in reality continued to be the slaves of the landowners arid of absolutism, showed little capacity for handling modern machinery. The machines soon fell into disrepair and became junk.
21，在过去的世纪中的“60”s（备注：也就是19世纪60年代），在克里米亚战争的失败的影响下，俄国贵族中流行起了一种自由主义运动。这一流派，在废除农奴制之后，想要与英国贵族们在发展现代经济上进行竞争。农奴制的废除带给了一些地主大量赔款，他们用这些赔款从英国购买了农业机器。但是他们无法和机器一起进口英国工人，如果他们能这么做，那么也只能进口少数工人。农民们在法律上从农奴制中解放出来了，但是事实上他们继续成为了地主们的绝对意义上的奴隶，几乎没有掌控现代机器的能力。这些机器不久就缺乏维护，成为了垃圾。
The promoters of the Piatiletka disregarded these early experiences. They too, believed that all that was necessary was to import as many new machines as possible from the industrial countries. They forget that it was necessary also to create the political and social conditions that furthered the development of modern men. Still less did they think of the fact that such men cannot be developed as fast as new machines are created, and, for this purpose, the Five Year Plan was not enough.
22，五年计划的推动者们没有注意到这些早期的经验。他们也相信尽可能多的从工业化国家进口新机器是唯一必要的。他们忘了，创造发展现代人所需的政治和社会环境也是必要的。他们也没想过，事实上这样的人无法想新机器一样快速发展出来，对于这一目标来说，五年计划根本不够。
But to create new machines in the face of a lack of qualified workmen means not to increase the productive forces of the country, but only to waste its resources.
23，但是在面临缺乏技术工人的情况下制造新机器并不会增加国家的生产力，而只会浪费资源。
Furthermore, Stalin and his men during the Piatiletka were wasting national wealth in a manner quite different from the method employed in the sixties by the liberal landowners. The latter spent for the purchase of machinery only such funds as would have been wasted in gambling, in trips to Paris, etc. The condition of their peasants did not grow worse on account of it. Quite different is the case with Stalin. All the wealth of Russia which her exploiters had been able to garner before the World War by accumulating the surplus value that flowed into their pockets had been spent or destroyed first in the war, then in the civil war, and finally in consequence of the establishment of a bureaucratic state economy by the Bolsheviks. The large sums of money needed for the creation of the new industrial apparatus could be raised only be extracting as much as possible of the newly-created surplus value from the laboring masses. But the productivity of these masses was quite small. Under Czarism the wages and standard of living of the workers were pitifully low. They declined further during the world war and civil war. During the NEP period, they rose somewhat. Now they have been greatly reduced again in order to obtain money for the purchase of machines.
24，更糟糕的是，斯大林和他的手下在五年计划中以与自由主义地主们在六十年代所采用的截然不同的方式浪费国家财富。后者用来购买机器的资金如果不去购买机器，也会被浪费在赌博，去巴黎旅游之类的事上。他们的农民的境况不会因此更糟。但对于斯大林来说，这事就非常不同了。所有俄国的剥削者们剥削的在世界大战之前通过积累剩余价值而进入他们的口袋里的财富在战争和内战，以及布尔什维克们建立一个官僚化的国家经济的过程中被花光或破坏了。制造新工业设备需要的大量金钱只能通过尽可能的从劳工大众中压榨新创造的剩余价值获得。但是这些大众的产能很小。在沙皇统治下工人们的工资和生活标准非常可怜的低。在世界大战和内战中他们的生活水平变得更低了。在新经济政策时期，生活水平多多少少提升了。现在，他们的生活水平又要大大降低了，为了获取购买机器的钱。（备注：基本上49之后的中国也是如此，毛贼几乎重复了斯大林的所有暴行，除了文革是毛贼原创的之外。）
Foreign tourists in Russia stand in silent amazement before the gigantic enterprises created there, as they stand before the pyramids, for example. Only seldom does the thought occur to them what enslavement, what lowering of human self-esteem was connected with the construction of those gigantic establishments.
25，来俄国的外国游客们在这里建造的巨大的企业面前感到震惊，例如，就像站在金字塔前一样。这些想法很少会出现在他们身上：这些巨大的建设的建造过程是如何和奴役以及践踏人类的自尊联系起来的。（备注：实际上古埃及金字塔并不是奴隶建造的，这点古埃及政府远强过斯大林政府，不过这是最近的考古学发现，考茨基当年很显然是不知道这一点的。）
The Russian land-owners imported machinery without improving the condition of the peasants or adding to their freedom. This was the cause of the failure of their technical reform plan. The Bolsheviks, on the other hand, imported machinery by rendering the condition of the workers immeasurably worse and curtailing their freedom. They extracted the means for the creation of material productive forces by destroying the most essential productive force of all-the laboring man. In the terrible conditions created by the Piatiletka, people rapidly perished. Soviet films, of course, did not show this. But to convince oneself one only has to inquire of Western European and American workers who went to work in Russia to escape the capitalist hell and find happiness in the Soviet paradise. After a short stay, these workers hurried back to their former “hell,” where conditions may have been bad enough but yet more bearable than was the condition of the workers or even privileged persons on the other side of the Soviet border.
26，俄国的地主们在进口机器的时候，并没有提升农民的生活条件，或增加他们的自由。这造成了技术改造计划的失败。另一方面，布尔什维克们在进口机器的同时将工人的生活条件变得无法衡量的糟糕，并剥夺了他们的自由。他们通过毁灭所有劳工们的最关键的生产力来榨取制造物质生产力的资料。在五年计划制造的糟糕条件下，人民迅速死亡。当然，苏维埃电影是不会展示这些的。但是要说服自己，一个人只能询问那些为了逃离资本主义地狱而在苏维埃天堂中找到快乐的西欧和美国工人们。在短暂的停留后，这些工人们匆忙跑回他们之前的”地狱“，那里的条件虽然很差，但比苏维埃边境内的工人们或甚至有特权的人的条件更能忍受。
The results of the Piatiletka have turned out to be terrible largely because the Bolsheviks, not content with setting up a large number of gigantic industrial establishments, undertook to transform the individual peasant economy forthwith into a gigantic collective economy, doing precisely that which Lenin had prudently abstained from. For Lenin was able to win because he energetically supported the demands of the peasants who were bent on taking possession of the land of the landowners. It must be noted, however, that this support was quite unnecessary to the peasants, inasmuch as the Social Revolutionists and Mensheviks sided with the peasants in this question and had promulgated the division of the land among the peasants before the Bolsheviks had seized power.
27，五年计划的结果非常糟糕，这是因为布尔什维克们并不满足于建造大量的巨型的工业设施，他们还承诺将个体农业经济立刻转变为巨型的集体经济，做的恰好是列宁之前谨慎反对的。列宁赢了，是因为他充满热情的支持农民的诉求，农民们想要从地主那里取回土地所有权。然而，需要注意的是，对于农民们来说支持列宁是没有必要的，因为在布尔什维克夺取政权之前，社会革命党人和孟什维克在这一问题上也站在农民一边，并在农民之间发布了对土地的计划。
But Stalin needed money for a program of rapid industrialization on a gigantic scale. Those enterprises which already existed were working on a deficit, and therefore the expedient of extracting more from the peasants seemed all the more necessary. This method of procedure encountered many difficulties when applied to the individual, free peasants who had enough resistance power. Hence, the idea of combining the individual peasant holdings into gigantic collectives, the so called “kolkhozy,” ruled by the state. From such enterprises, the state thought to collect a much larger share of their production than from individual peasants. But the peasants would not join the “kolkhozy.” Therefore they must be compelled to join them by force. Thus, the diligent and willing toil of free peasants was replaced with the compulsory labor of unwilling serfs. And the yield of such labor is always poor in quality and quantity. It can be managed only with the aid of the most primitive and simple tools of production. A man working under compulsion will quickly damage any kind of complicated tool. And yet the kolkhozy were supposed to be the last word of efficiency and modernity in agricultural economy. They were supplied with the best American implements. With the change to the new methods of production, cattle were to a large extent slaughtered. The member of the kolkhoz was compelled to work with the new implements of production which were not suited to him, for they require free, highly-skilled workers. The old implements, to which he had become accustomed, are gone. It is easy to imagine the results accomplished by a man working against his will and interests. And in fact, since the introduction of “Socialist construction,” the productivity of Russian agriculture has been declining appreciably. At present[2] there is real famine in that agricultural country. In the days of the Czar we were perfectly justified in denouncing famine in Russia as evidence of the rottenness of the political order. But the famine in Russia this year exceeds anything known before. It rages practically all over the Ukraine, in Northern Caucasus and the Lower Volga region, the most fertile sections of the country-the very ones in which the collectivization of agriculture has been most extensive.
28，但是斯大林需要钱以实现在大范围内迅速工业化的计划。已经存在的那些企业在亏损中运转，因此更需要用手段从农民身上压榨更多。这一方式在执行过程会有很多困难，因为个体的自由农民们有足够的反抗力量。因此，将个体农民放入巨大的集体中的主意，所谓的“集体农庄”，被政权执行了。对于这样的企业来说，政权想要从中收集到比从个体农民收集到的多得多的产品。但是农民们不会加入“集体农庄”。因此必须用暴力强迫他们加入。因此，勤奋和自愿辛劳的自由农民们被替换成了义务劳动的不自愿的农奴。而这样的劳动力的产出总是在质量和数量上都是缺乏的。他们只能在最原始和简陋的生产工具的协助下被管理。一个在义务下工作的人会迅速损坏任何种类的复杂工具。然而集体农庄被期盼成为最有效和现代化的农业经济。他们被供应了最先进的美国工具。（备注：毛贼的所谓人民公社就是学自斯大林的集体农庄，本质都是农民变成政府的农奴。）伴随着改变成新的生产模式，耕牛被大规模屠杀。集体农庄的成员被强迫用新的生产工具工作，但是这些工具并不适合他，这些工具需要自由的，高技术的工人。旧的工具，他习惯的工具，没了。我们很容易就能想像到，一个人在违反他的意志和利益的条件下工作的结果是什么。事实上，从“社会主义建设”被介绍之后，俄国农业产量迅速下降。现在，在这个农业国家里真的发生了饥荒。在沙皇时期，我们完美的证明了俄国发生的饥荒是政治秩序腐烂的证据。但是今年在俄国发生的饥荒规模超过了之前已知的任何饥荒。特别是饥荒在乌克兰的所有地方肆虐，在Northern Caucasus和Lower Volga region，这个国家里最肥沃的地区——也是集体化农业规模最大的地区。（备注：毛贼时期的大饥荒爆发的原因也是类似的。）
There are some who admitting the economic weaknesses of the Soviet regime continue to have faith in its aims and possibilities. But are not these economic weaknesses of the regime themselves due to the fact that the social transformation possible under the historical and structural conditions prevailing in the Soviet Union cannot by the very nature of things be a socialist one? By its very nature, the Soviet regime cannot create anything beyond a purely governmental economy with an enormously unproductive bureaucracy. Is this not the kind of economy the socialist character of which has always been denied by Socialists?
29，有些人承认苏维埃政权的经济的弱点，但继续保持对它的目标和可能性的信心。但是这个政权自身的经济弱点难道不是在苏联广泛分布的历史的和结构性的环境下发生的可能的社会转变不能自然的转变成为社会主义吗？非常自然的，苏维埃政权无法创造任何超越纯粹的政府化的带有巨大的不生产的官僚组织的经济。难道这不是那种总是被社会主义者们否定的社会经济模式吗？
The highly rationalized technology of some Soviet industrial plants which, like the rest of Soviet economy, are woefully unproductive when looked upon from any true economic point of view, is but a drop in the bucket as a positive factor when viewed from the standpoint of the interests of the national welfare. Still, the Bolsheviks continue to speak glibly of the necessity of “greatest sacrifices” in the present as the price of “future welfare.”
30，一些苏维埃工业设施中的高度理性化的技术，就像其他苏维埃经济一样，从任何真正的经济视角来看都是非常可悲的没有产出的，但是用国家福利的利益这一立足点所在的角度看，就像是桶里的一滴水一样。（备注：意思是杯水车薪，根本起不到什么作用。）然而，布尔什维克们继续高唱作为“未来的福利”的代价，现在的“巨大牺牲”有多么必要。
Great sacrifices cannot be waved aside quite so easily. Who will guarantee that “the future welfare” under the dictatorship will be anything more than a Fata Morgana? This dictatorship is pictured by some as the dictatorship of a minority animated by faith, enthusiasm and readiness for higher self-sacrifice in behalf of a great human ideal, and seeking to impose that ideal upon the great majority of 170,000,000 people.
31，巨大的牺牲可没办法被轻易的摆在一边。谁会赞同在独裁之下“未来的福利”会比幻觉更多呢？这种独裁被一小部分有热烈信仰的，热情的和准备就绪的独裁者描述成为了伟大的人类理想的高贵的自我牺牲，他们寻求将这一理想强加到1.7亿人身上，这可是个大数目啊。
I see the present generation of Communists, i.e. not those in the opposition but those in power, in quite a different light. A few among them may still be regarded as idealists, but too many of them have succumbed to the inevitable consequences nurtured by the dictatorship. These are the consequences of every despotism, which inevitably cultivates and encourages a conscienceless element eager to adapt itself to the needs of the powers that be, spies, stool pigeons, informers, careerists.
32，我看见现在这个世代的共产主义者们，不是那些反对派，而是那些当权者们，变得完全不同了。他们当中的一些人也许还是被当作理想主义者，但是其中太多的人屈服于独裁造成的直接后果。这是每个独裁暴政都会有的后果，直接培育和鼓励了他们自己接受一种丧尽天良的元素，去满足权力的需要，成为间谍，警察的线人，告密者，野心家。
How can a ruling caste among whom such elements dominate in increasing measure the despotism from which they sprang, while ejecting progressively the influence of decent comrades, be animated by any readiness for high self-sacrifice in the name of a great human ideal? No doubt, they speak much of sacrifice, as do many German Nazis, they demand immeasurable sacrifices of others, but never of themselves. They themselves are quite comfortable as long as the Communist Parry remains in power.
33，统治种姓如何能在这样的元素的主宰下变得越来越残暴，将曾经的战友们的进步的影响完全逐出的同时，被任何准备就绪的以伟大的人类理想之名进行的高度自我牺牲热切的鼓舞了？无需怀疑的是，他们经常在说牺牲，就像德国的纳粹们说的一样多，他们要求其他人作出无法衡量的牺牲，但是自己从来不牺牲。只要共产党还握有权力，他们自己就觉得很舒服。
The Russian Communist Party which is seeking to impose this road to “future welfare” upon 170,000,000 human beings embraces some 2,000,000 members. How many among them are spies, informers, careerists?
34，俄国共产党中的那些寻找通往“未来的福利”的道路的人数，在1.7亿人中占了2百万。其中多少人是间谍，告密者，野心家？
Socialism could be brought about only by an independent movement of an overwhelming majority. It is the task of the Socialists to lead in this movement. And when they are confronted, with the apathy of the majority, they must seek to enlighten it and to win it over to their side. Under no circumstances must they seek to dominate it by violence and compulsion. Only when minorities of exploiters try to hold down by force majorities of exploited do we consider the use of force against such minorities justified. But never against the majority of the. population, however reactionary it may be.
35，社会主义只能通过独立的压倒性的多数运动才能带来。社会主义者们的任务是领导这一运动。当他们在反抗的时候，面对缺乏兴趣的多数，他们必须寻求启蒙他们，将他们拉到这边来。没有任何情况下他们必须寻求通过暴力和义务来主宰他们。只有在少数剥削者们试图用暴力压制多数被剥削者时，我们才认为使用暴力反抗这些少数是正当的。但是永远不要与大部分人对抗，无论他们如何反应。
Under Czarism the working class of Russia had to contend against very limited opportunities for political and social development. Nevertheless, a large portion of the working class managed to utilize whatever opportunities were available to the best possible advantage and to enlarge these opportunities in constant, stubborn struggle against the oppressors. With the breakdown of absolutism in 1917, the expectation was justified that under the new democratic conditions the elite of the Russian workers would continue to make rapid progress and carry the masses with them.
36，在沙皇统治下俄国的工人阶级们不得不利用非常稀少的机会去为了政治和社会发展而战斗。渐渐的，很大一部分工人阶级成功利用了任何可用的机会并增大这些机会，坚持与压迫者们斗争。在1917年绝对压迫被冲破了，这一期待是很自然的：在新的民主的环境下俄国工人们中的精英将会继续快速进步并带领大众跟随他们。
Then came the Bolsheviks and destroyed all the seeds that had sprouted so hopefully by imposing upon the people a regime that is much more oppressive. The old revolutionary idealists, insofar as they failed to become Communists, were killed, driven into exile or silenced in prison cells. Of former Bolsheviks themselves many have disappeared and died; many have submitted in hopeless resignation or have been corrupted by posts of power. Of the new generation now rising, an ever decreasing minority belongs to the Communist Party. The greater portion of this minority has fallen victim to those perversions of character which the possession of limitless power inevitably cultivates – among Communists as well as among princes. The overwhelming majority of the people, however, has been shorn of all human dignity, all capacity for action, and reduced to the level of starved and beaten beasts of burden. The fact that they appear to submit and to bear silently, without protest, with aching heart, all the heavy sacrifices and privations heaped upon them by their new masters is not to be regarded as in the nature of the heroic but as extremely depressing.
37，然后布尔什维克来了，通过强迫人民接受一个更为压迫的政权毁灭了所有萌芽的希望的种子。旧革命理想家们，只要他们没能成为共产党员，就会被杀，被驱逐出境，或在监狱牢房中被消音。前布尔什维克们自己很多也失踪和死亡了；还有很多人在没有希望的情况下被辞职，或者被权力所腐蚀。新的世代正在崛起，属于共产党的少数变得更少。这一小部分中的大部分成为了无限制的权力的推动下的直接的受害者，性格变得扭曲——在共产党员内和王子内都是如此。然而，压倒性的多数人民，所有的人类尊严和行动能力都被剥夺，被贬低到饥饿的和被殴打的负担的怪物的等级上。事实是他们表现得服从和沉默的忍受，没有抗争，内心颤抖，所有的沉重的牺牲和困苦被他们的新主子堆积到他们头上，这并不被当成是英雄的本性，而是极度的失望。
The Russian working class has declined progressively with every year from the height to which it had attained in 1917. It is not approaching closer to Socialism, but is moving constantly away from it, and is losing in every increasing measure the capacity for self-determination in the labor process. State slavery does not become Socialism merely because the slave drivers call themselves Communists.
38，俄国的工人阶级与1917年达到的高度比每年都在退步。这不是在靠近社会主义，而是越来越远离社会主义，劳工们失去了越来越多的自决能力。国家奴隶制不会因为驱使奴隶的人自称共产主义者而成为社会主义。
The methods of dictatorship in general and of the Five Year Plan in particular do not constitute the road to Socialism, but rather the road away from it.
39，特别是五年计划中通常的独裁模式，它并不建造通往社会主义的道路，而是远离社会主义的道路。
Certainly, it is the aim of Socialists to deprive the capitalists of the means of production. But that in itself is not enough. We must also determine who is to control these means of production. When another minority takes the place of the capitalists and controls the means of production, independently of the people and frequently against their will, the change in property relations thus accomplished signifies least of all Socialism. There are forms of Oriental despotism in which the master of the state wield also mastery over the country’s instruments of production. [2] In comparison with this form of state economy, the capitalist system of production is much less oppressive, and resistance to it much more promising of results. In Russia it is the government, not the people, who controls the means of production. The government is thus the master of the people.
40，当然，社会主义者的目标是剥夺资本家们对生产资料的占有权。但是这并不够。我们必须决定谁来控制这些生产资料。当另一小部分人替代了资本家们的位置并控制了生产资料时，人民的独立性频繁的与他们的意志冲突，这在所有社会主义中实现的对生产关系的改变是最小的一种。这是一种东方暴君式的统治，政权的主人同时也是国家的生产工具的主人。和这种国家经济模式相比，资本主义的生产系统的压迫要少很多，而对它的反抗也更能得到承诺的结果。在俄国，是政府，而不是人民控制生产资料。因此政府是人民的主子。
The Socialism toward which Social Democracy is striving is a mode of production superior to capitalism. But the latter constitutes the highest of all modes of production yet developed: large industries with free workers who as yet have no authority over their means of production. Collective ownership and management of large enterprises with fullest freedom for the workers is Socialism, which is superior to industrial capitalism. But this capitalism is superior not only to the small industry of the guild craftsman, but also to large industry with compulsory labor, as well as to every form of state economy based upon conscript labor. Every economy of this sort must be rejected in spite of the fact that it is not capitalist. I do not agree with Max Adler who, arguing against me, once said that “for a Marxist the duty to participate in and sympathize with every movement against capitalism is a moral axiom.”
41，通向社会民主的社会主义一直在努力实现一个比资本主义更好的生产模式。但是后者建造了迄今为止发展出来的最高级的生产模式：大型工业和至今没有掌控生产资料的自由工人们。集体所有权和完全自由的工人对大型企业进行管理，这是社会主义，这比工业化资本主义更优秀。但是这种资本主义不仅比公会工匠们的小工业更优秀，而且比使用义务劳工的大型工业和每个政权经济模式所基于的征召劳力更优秀。每一个这种类型的经济都必须被拒绝，尽管它不是资本主义的。我并不同意 Max Adler反驳我时所说的“对于一个马克思主义者来说，参与和同情每一种反对资本主义的运动是一种责任与道德公理。”
Our duty is not merely to abolish the capitalist order but to set up a higher order in its place. But we must oppose those forces aiming to destroy capitalism only to replace it with a barbarous mode of production.
42，我们的责任不仅仅是废除资本主义秩序，而且是在原来的资本主义的位置上建立一个更高等的秩序。但是我们必须反对那些目标是摧毁资本主义然后只用一种更野蛮的生产模式取代的力量。
It is for this reason that the democratically-minded portion of the working class must oppose all tendencies toward dictatorship threatening the freedom of the workers, tendencies manifested not only by the capitalists but also those that originate with anti-capitalist groups.
43，因此，拥有民主思维的那部分工人阶级必须反对所有迈向独裁威胁工人自由的趋势，反对那些不仅被资本主义者所声明而且被那些反资本主义组织所发动的趋势。
What we see in Russia, is, therefore, not Socialism but its antithesis. It can become Socialism only when the people expropriate the expropriators now in power, to use a Marxian expression. Thus, the socialist masses of Russia find themselves with respect to the problem of control of the means of production in the same situation which confronts the workers in capitalist countries. The fact that in Russia the expropriating expropriators call themselves Communists makes not the slightest difference. The difference between Soviet Russia and Western Europe is that the workers in the advanced capitalist countries are already strong enough to have limited to some extent the dictatorship of capital and to have altered power relationships to a point which makes the socialization of important economic monopolies a matter of the political victory of the workers in the near future, whereas in Russia the means of production are highly concentrated in one hand and their ownership protected by an absolutist state machine, while the workers, being divided, without organization of their own, without a free press or free elections, are completely shorn of any means of resistance.
44，因此，我们看到在俄国发生的，不是社会主义，而是与社会主义相反的东西。在马克思主义的表述中，只有人民剥夺了剥夺者的权力，掌握权力之后，社会主义才能实现。因此，俄国的社会主义大众们发现他们自己在控制生产资料这一问题上和资本主义国家的工人们面临的情况是相同的。事实是在俄国那些自称共产主义者的剥夺剥夺者的人并没有表现出最轻微的差异。苏维埃俄国和西欧不同的地方在于，先进资本主义国家中的工人们已经有足够强大的力量去限制资本独裁，并拥有将权力关系修改到将社会化重要经济垄断企业当成不远的将来工人们能够获取的政治胜利的力量，而在俄国生产资料被高度集中在少数人手中，而他们的所有权被国家机器完全保护着，同时工人们被分裂，没有属于他们自己的组织，没有出版自由或选举自由，完全被剥夺了反抗的手段。（备注：这是斯大林模式的典型特征，毛贼时期的中国也是如此。）
Similar to the monopoly of property ownership in Russia is the monopoly of education. This is one of the instruments whereby the dictatorship seeks to buttress its power.
45，在俄国，与财产权垄断类似的是教育的垄断。这是独裁政权巩固权力的手段之一。
Still worse is the complete destruction of intellectual freedom, which strikes even the mass of Communists. True education, genuine participation in the knowledge of our time, is impossible without intellectual liberty.
46，更糟糕的是，思想自由被完全毁灭，这甚至袭击了多数共产党员。真正的教育，真正对我们这一时代的知识的参与，是无法在没有思想自由的情况下发生的。
The situation has been characterized by Otto Bauer as follows:
47，这一情形被Otto Bauer这样形容：
“Russia is a state of unlimited absolutism, much more than it was under the Czar. The government is all-powerful. No meetings are permitted except those agreeable to the government, no newspapers except those of the government party. Members of all other organizations are at best jailed, at worst shot. The control of the police over the population has attained a measure which can hardly be imagined in free countries. It is a regime of absolutist dictatorship, of a power quite without any limitation, which holds every human being completely in its hand but is itself subject to no control.“
48，”俄国是一个完全的极权国家，比沙俄时期更极权。政府是全能的。除非政府同意，否则无法进行会议，除了政府的党的报纸，没有其他报纸。所有其他组织的成员，最好的遭遇是被监禁，最糟糕的遭遇是被射杀。警察对人民的控制达到了自由国家中难以想像的程度。这是一个完全独裁的政权，权力没有任何限制，每个人都被完全控制，没有什么是政府没有控制的。”
“Such a system of dictatorship destroys all intellectual liberty. In Russia there is only one form of science – that officially authorized by the government. He who entertains scientific views other than those prescribed officially is thrown out to starve and must, indeed, consider himself fortunate if he is not exiled or shot.”
49，“这样一个独裁系统毁灭了所有思想自由。在俄国只有一种形式的科学——被政府官方认可的科学。那些对其他科学视野感兴趣而不是对官方规定的科学视野感兴趣的人被扔出去挨饿，他必须考虑他自己的未来，如果他不是被驱逐或被射杀的话。”（备注：这里说的是李森科事件：李森科主义没有实现苏联人“面包会有的”的理想，反而使他们的分子生物学和遗传工程学遭到了不可救药的落伍，苏联失去了两代现代生物学家。http://blog.sciencenet.cn/blog-622531-773528.html）
Nowhere are the mass of the people and the mass of Communists themselves deprived of opportunity to learn what is raking place in the world of science, to explore the truth and to know it, as in Soviet Russia. In capitalist countries the masses of the people have a hundred times more opportunity for real knowledge, not mere drilled and regimented Communist talk; a hundred times more opportunity to break the educational monopoly of the ruling class than in the land of so-called “proletarian” dictatorship. Only Fascist Italy may be compared with Russia in this respect. It is precisely in respect to education that the Russian people have yet to win what the people of the West have long been enjoying. This cannot be attained so long as the dictatorship continues to rule. On this point, too, the road of Bolshevism leads not to Socialism but away from it.
50，在苏维埃俄国，人民大众和共产党员大众们被剥夺了学习收集世界科学知识的机会，被剥夺了探索真相和知道真相的机会。在资本主义国家人民大众拥有上百个或更多机会学习真正的知识，而不是抠字眼的和刻板的共产党员谈话；上百个或更多机会破除统治阶级的教育垄断，而不是被所谓的“无产阶级”独裁控制在手中。在这一层面上，只有法西斯意大利才能与俄国相比。准确来说，在教育领域，俄国人民至今没能赢得西方人民已经享受了很长时间的权利。只要独裁持续统治，那么这一权利就不可能被获得。从这一点上来说，布尔什维克主义并不导向社会主义，而是远离社会主义。
But are not the Russians superior to us at least in the domain of planned economy? Are we not at the present moment experiencing in capitalist countries the calamitous consequence of capitalist anarchy? Is not the planned economy of the Soviet Union to be hailed in favorable contrast to this situation?
51，但是是不是至少俄国在计划经济领域比我们先进呢？我们是不是现在还没能在资本主义国家中经历无政府资本主义造成的灾难性的后果呢？是不是应该为苏联的计划经济欢呼呢，因为这与无政府资本主义相反？
One might be inclined to think so. A planned economy should certainly be possible where the general apparatus of production is concentrated in one hand. Nor does such an economy require the socialist self-determination of the people in the labor process. Even the state economy of a despot may be planfully regulated. All human social life which does not spring from mere natural causes requires planned regulation if it is to proceed to some purpose. Any industrial plant is evidence of that.
52，一个人也许有这么思考的倾向。计划经济在生产设备被集中在少数人手中时当然是应该成为可能的。而这一经济模式也不要求劳动人民的社会主义自决。甚至是在暴君统治下，国家经济也可能是完全计划的。所有不源于自然因素的人类社会生活如果是为了一些目的而进行的，那么都会要求计划的规定。任何一个工业设施都是计划的证据。
The Bolsheviks, too, tried to introduce such regulation from the beginning of their rule. But they met with no success, and could not have been successful because of the peculiar conditions under which they came into power.
53，布尔什维克们也尝试在他们统治的一开始就引入这样的规定。但是他们没成功，也不可能成功，因为他们夺权的时候的环境很特别。
When the Socialists come into power in the democratic countries they will have already secured the support of the majority of the population for their program. They will be able to support themselves upon great mass organizations of trained comrades, political, trade union, cooperative and educational. Their leaders will have already gained wide experience in the organization and administration of developed social enterprises, as well as much practical and not merely theoretical knowledge in economic affairs as representatives in communal legislatures and administrative organs, as state officials and ministers and, on the other hand, as leaders of workers’ cooperatives and labor banks, as managers of great newspapers, etc. They are acquiring also the ever-increasing support of intellectuals now engaged in managing private enterprises.
54，在民主国家中，社会主义者们获取权力之后，他们会安全的拥有大部分人民对他们的纲领的支持。他们会有巨大的由受训练的战友们组成的，政治的，独立工会，合作的和教育上的大规模组织的支持。他们的领导者将会拥有在组织和管理发达的社会企业上获得的丰富经验，拥有更实际的而不是只是理论上的经济知识，在公共立法机构和管理机构中拥有代表，例如政府官员和首相，另一方面，作为工人合作机构和劳工银行的领导者，作为大型报社的管理者，诸如此类的。他们也获得了一直在增长的参与管理私人企业的知识分子的支持。
All this will make it possible for Social Democracy to introduce planning and system in production when we acquire power and will enable us to master the production process. Its economic knowledge and sense o£ responsibility with regard to the masses will keep it from striking out upon adventurist policies and will guard it at every step against ill-conceived actions.
55，当我们获得权力和能够掌控生产过程时，所有这些都使得社会民主在生产中引入计划和系统变得可能。经济知识和赋予大众的责任感会剔除冒险的政策，然后会守护每一步，反对欠考虑的行动。
The conditions prerequisite for any such development were non-existent in Russia when the Bolsheviks seized power. Czarism had suppressed every opportunity for the participation of all classes in government, and subjected the regulation of all social life to rigidly centralized, bureaucratic, police and military institutions.
56，这些对任何这类发展来说都必须的先决条件，当布尔什维克在俄国夺取政权时都是不存在的。沙皇压制了所有的阶级参与政府决策的机会，将所有社会生活都严格控制在中心化的，官僚化的警察和军事机构中。
When these institutions collapsed in 1917, in the midst of military defeat, all classes of the population found themselves free but without any experience and knowledge in self-government. Under a democratic regime they undoubtedly would have acquired quickly the necessary experience and ability. At first, the democracy showed itself quite helpless, however. The Bolsheviks utilized this period to destroy democracy and to erect a new despotism by means of a rigidly centralized conspiratory organization, with the support of a group of workers, soldiers and sailors in Petrograd. Bolshevism obtained the support of these elements by making unmeasured promises, prompted to a large extent by demagogy but certainly also by underestimate of the difficulties of the task.
57，当1917年这些机构崩溃的时候，在军事失败的阴影下，所有阶级发现了他们自己是自由的，但是没有任何自我治理的经验和知识。在民主政权下，无可质疑的，他们会迅速获得必须的经验和能力。在一开始，民主显示出了他们自己的无助，然而，布尔什维克们利用了这一时期毁灭了民主，在一组工人，士兵和水兵的支持下，在彼得格勒通过严格中心化的密谋组织强加了新的暴君统治。布尔什维克们通过许下没有事先衡量过的实现的承诺获得了这些人的支持，这些承诺很大程度上是哗众取宠的，但显然也是低估了任务的困难程度的。
No less than the masses were the leaders unable to develop under czarist conditions the necessary ability without which victory over capitalism is impossible. The Bolsheviks were well schooled in fighting the police and in winning the plaudits of poor, ignorant devils. But they lacked any knowledge and experience in the administration of government and economic institutions. They had studied Marx theoretically, but in a talmudic sense, for they lacked any opportunity to study more intimately the economic phenomena with which Marx dealt.
58，现在，对于大众来说，困难不比在沙俄时代发展为了战胜资本主义所必须的能力所面对的困难更小。布尔什维克们在与警察战斗和得到穷困无知的恶魔的喝彩上的经验很充足。但他们缺乏任何管理政府和经济机构的知识和经验。他们在理论上学习了马克思，但在现实情景中，他们缺乏任何密切学习经济现象的机会，而马克思进行了相关经营。
With quite inadequate human material, themselves entirely unprepared, the Bolsheviks ventured to turn topsy-turvy a country of 170,000,000 inhabitants and to establish in Russia an order of production the prerequisite for which were absent, nay, for which there were no models even in the much higher developed West.
59，加上严重缺乏人才，他们自己完全没有准备，布尔什维克们冒险将一个拥有1.7亿人的国家带入了乱七八糟中，试图在俄国建立一个缺乏先决条件的秩序，甚至在高度发展的西方也没有相应的模型。
Even the greatest of geniuses would have found this too large a task. Visionaries like Upton Sinclair, Bernard Shaw, Henri Barbusse and others may be impressed by the daring of the Bolsheviks, but this daring emanates from complete ignorance.
60，甚至是最有智慧的人也会发现这一目标太大了。像Upton Sinclair, Bernard Shaw, Henri Barbusse和其他类似的空想家们也许会被布尔什维克们的勇气鼓舞，但是这一勇气来自于完全的无知。
The Bolsheviks were forced to the attempt to create something resembling a planned economy. Planned economy presupposes, however, something more than the drawing up of a plan-nothing is easier. It presupposes also its systematic and consistent execution. Only when this is attained can we speak of planned economy. This has never been achieved in Soviet Russia, however, and could not have been achieved, for the conditions prerequisite to the success of any plan were non-existent. Failure was all the more certain because each succeeding plan was embarked upon in haste and without preparation. As soon as one plan would be put into operation its shortcomings would become apparent and it was found necessary to change it and, finally, to abandon it. Naturally, the decision to cast it overboard would be delayed as long as possible, as long as there appeared to be any prospect of making any progress along the particular road in question. It would be abandoned only when it was no longer. possible to cling to it. Thereupon, the Bolsheviks would rush into another plan.
61，布尔什维克们被迫尝试创造类似于计划经济的东西。然而，计划经济需要的内容比写出一份计划更多——没有什么更简单。计划经济同时也需要系统性的和一致的执行。只有这些被实现之后，我们才能讨论计划经济。这在苏维埃俄国从来没被实现过，然而，也不可能被实现，因为任何成功计划需要的先决条件是不存在的。失败是很明显的，因为所有写出来的计划都建立在犹豫和没有准备的基础上。当一个计划成为行动时，它的缺陷就会显现出来，修改计划就是有必要的，最终计划被丢弃。自然的，丢弃计划的决定会被尽可能推迟，他们尽可能的表现的在出现问题的道路上取得进展。只有在计划无法再被固守时才会被丢弃。然后，布尔什维克们就会迅速选择另一份计划。
This constant change of plans in Soviet Russia, is, therefore, no mere accident. It is the inevitable consequence of the original sin of Bolshevism, which imagined that it could regenerate the world by means of a coup d’etat carried out with the assistance of a few thousand soldiers and sailors.
62，因此，在苏维埃俄国，计划经常改变并不是一个偶然。这是布尔什维克主义的原罪的直接后果，他们想像可以在上千士兵和水兵的帮助下发动政变以拯救这个世界。
What we see in Russia is not planned economy but an economy of plans, an unbroken succession of plans, which characterizes Bolshevism from its very beginning. These projects are frequently colossal, but each is only begun, none is carried calmly to a conclusion, being constantly modified, abridged, altered, until it is found inadequate and “improved” by a new one or abandoned. What we find in Soviet Russia is ordre, contre-ordre, desordre, or arrangement, rearrangement, disarrangement.
63，我们看到，俄国并不是计划经济，而是一堆计划组成的经济，一堆无法打破的继承性的计划，这从一开始就成为了布尔什维克主义的特征。这些项目经常是庞大的，每一个都只是被开始，没有一个是冷静总结的结果，经常被修改，削减，扭曲，直到被发现不适合然后被“改进”成一个新计划或被丢弃。我们在俄国发现的是秩序，反秩序，混乱，或者是安排，重新安排，拒绝安排。
But has not the dictatorship in Russia some real successes to its credit? Has it not industrialized and collectivized the nation’s economy and “altered thereby, not only the face of the Soviet Union but of the world, thus rendering the greatest service of our time so far as the future is concerned?”
64，但是在俄国的独裁者们就完全没有真正成功的计划吗？他们不是对国家经济进行了工业化和集体化，并且“不仅修改了苏联的面貌，更改变了世界的面貌，因此进行了迄今为止我们这一时代内最伟大的服务，就像被考虑的未来一样”？
The construction program carried out under Stalin’s reign is by no means unprecedented. Other rulers before Stalin who commanded the services of large masses of docile, helpless labor whom they sacrificed mercilessly to their plans were able, even in primitive times, to build huge edifices which roused astonishment, edifices the construction of which was brought about by tremendous sacrifices and expenditures of human lives, and which did not, however, move the “leader” in the least. The builders of the pyramids have been cited in this connection. The Roman Caesars and the Rajahs of India astonished the world with similar remarkable performances by using the labor of millions of cheap slaves over whom they held sway. Nor did they confine themselves to luxury construction. The Roman Caesars built not only great amphitheatres and bath-houses but also very fine roads connecting all parts of the great empire, water systems, etc. Many persons who admire these accomplishments fail to realize that because they rested on slave labor they led ultimately to the destruction of the state.
65，在斯大林的统治下进行的建设项目并不是史无前例的。其他在斯大林之前的统治者们，命令大量温顺，无助的劳工们提供服务，他们被无情的牺牲在统治者们的计划上，甚至在原始时代，去建立巨大的令人惊讶的建筑，这些建筑的建设是基于对人类生命的巨大牺牲和耗费上的，然而，这并没有最小程度的感动这些“领导者”。金字塔的建设者们在这一联系中被提起。罗马的凯撒们和印度的沙贾汗们用类似的留下印记的表现震惊了世界，而这是通过使用他们统治下的几百万便宜的奴隶劳动力实现的。他们也没有把这种奢侈的建设局限在他们自己身上。罗曼沙皇们不仅建造了巨大的圆形剧场和澡堂，而且建造了将大帝国的所有部分连接在一起的高质量的道路，供水系统，等等。很多赞美这些成就的人没有意识到的是，因为他们依靠奴隶劳动，他们导致了国家完全毁灭。
The Pharaohs of Egypt and the despots of Babylonia and India built not only great palaces, temples, mausoleums but also huge works, dams, reservoirs and canals without which agriculture could not endure. Marx characterized these works as part of the material foundations of the despotism of those regions (Capital Volksausgabe, p.453). He did not regard them as the material basis of a socialist society.
66，埃及的法老和巴比伦和印度的暴君们不仅建造了巨大的宫殿，寺庙，陵墓，而且还建造了巨大的工程，水坝，水库，运河，没有这些农业就无法发展。马克思认为这些工程是哪些地区的暴君统治的部分物质基础(Capital Volksausgabe, p.453)，他并没有将这些当成是社会主义社会的物质基础。
The fact that the present rulers of the Kremlin follow these examples of Asiatic despots does not signify, a fundamental change in the face of the world. Neither the brutality of the rulers nor the enslavement of the ruled is altered by these achievements. It is not technical and economic innovations but the human aspects of a society that matters. Many see only the construction of plants and collectives, but fail to perceive the rise of a new aristocracy which controls these new means of production and exploits them for its own purposes. Above this aristocracy stands the nobility of members of the Communist Party, and still higher in power is the aristocracy of the political police, holding in its power the officialdom and party members.
67，事实是，克里姆林现在的统治者们追随着这些亚洲独裁者们的例子，这并不意味着是这个社会的面貌的基础改变。在这些成就中，统治者的残暴没有改变，被统治者受奴役的现实也没有改变。这并不是技术和经济的创新，而是人类社会中早就在起作用的元素。很多人只看到设施的建立和集体化，但是没有看出新的贵族统治的崛起，这些新贵族们控制了这些新的生产资料，为了他们自己的目的剥削奴隶们。在贵族统治之上是共产党的高贵的成员们，拥有更高权力的是政治警察的贵族统治，他们对官员和党的成员拥有权力。（备注：这一段分析得太好了！独裁之下的所谓成果和古代暴君们拿来给自己享用的剧院澡堂之类的并没有本质区别，而苏联的国家资本主义极权事实上制造出了一批贵族们，现在的中国也是如此。）
But all of these elements of the aristocracy, each endowed with special privileges, are subject to the rule of the highest central authority in the state, headed for the moment by Stalin. He gives and he takes away. He raises those who please him to positions of influence and power and he hurls those who displease him into oblivion. The old nobility obtained its land, after the system of ownership had been definitely established, neither from princes nor from the Czar, and from time to time it ventured to exhibit discontent. In a modern dictatorial state this is impossible. Its aristocracy consists entirely of servile elements, lacking all character and independence.
68，但是这一贵族统治中的所有元素，每一个都被赋予了特别的特权，都服从于国家中的最高中央机关的统治，当时的头目是斯大林。他给予，他拿走。他提拔了那些帮助他达到有影响力和权力的位置的人，把那些让他不高兴的人扔到湮灭中。老贵族们获得了土地，在系统的所有权被清晰建立之后，这不来自王子也不来自沙皇，而是来自不停的冒险表示不满。在一个现代独裁国家这是不可能的。它的贵族统治完全来自当奴才，缺乏所有个性和独立性。
The privileged elements themselves are divided into various categories. This is no mere accident. The rule of a minority over the great majority requires for its preservation not only bloody terror but the splitting up of the population, in accordance with the old principle: divide and rule. For this reason, the Communist dictatorship instills into the workers the feeling that they are a ruling class favored by the regime as against the peasants, while within the working class itself elements and individuals of particularly ignoble servility are treated as pets and accorded special privileges. In this manner there has been set up, after the destruction of the old classes, a new differentiation of classes, a hierarchy headed by a Pope.
69，他们自己的特权元素被分割为许多类别。这并不是偶然。少数人对大部分人的统治不仅需要血腥的恐怖，而且需要分裂民众，根据旧的原则：分而治之。因为这个，共产党独裁给工人们灌输了他们是被政权喜欢的统治阶级的幻觉，这是为了对抗农民，而在工人阶级内部，个体中的特别的奴才们被当成宠物，并被给予特别的特权。在这一方式下，在旧的阶级被毁灭之后，新的不同的阶级被建立起来了，这是一个教皇为头目的等级制。
The fruit of the Bolshevist regime has been the establishment of a new class rule. The Bolsheviks, to be sure, have destroyed the -old classes, but new classes, new elements of aristocracy have arisen under their regime. They have arisen of necessity from the conditions of the Bolshevist dictatorship, although they may be invisible at first glance because they had not been foreseen in Bolshevist ideology and phraseology. But they are there, nevertheless. They are striking ever deeper root and are becoming in ever increasing measure the determining factor in the actions and aspirations of Bolshevism. Its ultimate Communist objective is becoming more and more a matter of decoration, a mere memory or allurement for Socialist idealists whom the dictator seeks to utilize for his own purposes.
70，布尔什维克政权的果实是建立了一个新的阶级统治。可以确定的是，布尔什维克们摧毁了旧政权，但是在他们的政权下新的阶级，新的贵族统治的元素崛起了。他们从布尔什维克独裁的环境中必然的崛起了，虽然他们也许第一眼看来是隐形的因为他们在布尔什维克的意识形态和用语中没有被预言出现。但是他们在那里，一直存在。他们深深的扎根了，并在越来越大的程度上决定了布尔什维克主义的行动和愿望。共产党员们的最终目标变得越来越像是个装饰，一个社会主义理想家们的记忆或诱惑，而独裁者则寻求利用这一目标来为他自己的目的服务。
The old Bolsheviks who took their Communism seriously and who have ventured to oppose the new aristocratic institutions have either been rendered helpless by the beneficiaries of the system or have been jailed, exiled and in many cases executed. Others who have escaped being corrupted by the system, have retired in disgust to finish their lives in sulky silence. A large number of the old Bolsheviks, however, have succumbed to the dictator and have degenerated from the level of revolutionists to the low estate of servile courtiers. Erstwhile Communists who preached the doctrine of equality have become the parvenus of a climbing parry hierarchy, archbishops and cardinals of the pope of the Bolshevist church. The new generation of Communists however, consists, for the most part, of conscienceless careerists, whose Communism is limited to mere lip service and whose activities are devoted solely to the attainment of power and the privileges it implies. Acquisition and retention of these privileges is their only aim.
71，那些严肃对待他们的共产主义理想的老布尔什维克们和那些冒险反对新贵族统治的机构的人，要么被在系统的受益者的压迫下变得无助，或者被囚禁，驱逐，在很多案例中被处决。（备注：这里说的是托洛茨基和其他左派反对派的遭遇。）那些逃离了被系统腐化的命运的其他人，被迫以退休作为掩护，并在愤怒的沉默中结束生命。然而，旧布尔什维克们中的很大数量的人，屈服于独裁者，并从革命者的层次退化到了奴才臣子的低层次。往昔的共产主义者们，那些传播平等信条的人，成为了攀爬招架等级制的暴发户，布尔什维克教堂的大主教和红衣主教。然而，这一新世代的共产主义者们，一致的，最大部分的，成为了无意识的野心家，他们的共产主义被限定在嘴巴上，他们的行动单纯是为了获得权力和权力提供的特权。获得和维持这些特权是他们仅有的目标。
Not the abolition of all classes but the substitution of new classes for the old has been the outcome of the Bolshevist revolution of 1917, as it was of the French Revolution of 1789. Then, too, the revolutionists had failed to note that in abolishing the differentiations of classes they had failed to create a system of universal freedom, equality and fraternity, but had merely facilitated the rise of a new class society.
72，1917年布尔什维克革命带来的不是所有阶级的消失，而是新阶级的替换，就像1789年的法国大革命一样。然后，同样的，革命者们没有意识到在消除阶级之间的差异的过程中，他们没能建立一个拥有普遍自由，平等和博爱的系统，而是促进了新的阶级社会的形成。
Notes
1. Written in 1933. – Ed.
2. Of Mehemet Ali, Viceroy of Egypt (1797-1849), it is reported: “Mehemet Ali made himself the sole land owner and agriculturist as well as the sole industrialist of his realm. The cotton and silk produced in the land were turned into manufactures by the fellah slaves in the factories of the viceroy. Only from these factories were the inhabitants permitted to draw their necessities.” (Flathe: The Period of Revolution and Restoration, p.376.)
https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch06.htm