原作者：Karl Kautsky
3. The Beginning of Bolshevism
3，布尔什维克的起源
Russia, too, could not remain closed to the rise of Marxism and of a Socialist working class party founded upon its ideas. These met with even greater obstacles from the czarist regime than did the earlier socialist parties of non-Marxian character. Another obstacle to Marxian ideas in Russia was her economic backwardness, which delayed considerably the development of large, capitalist, mass industry and with it the growth of an industrial proletariat in the large cities. No less a barrier to the development of a park of working class struggle was the absence of democracy, which made impossible the development of any party activity, any legal mass-organization and a free press.
1，俄国并没有马克思主义的崛起和建立在马克思主义思想上的工人阶级社会主义政党建立。对于马克思主义者来说，沙皇政权带来的障碍比早期非马克思社会主义政党带来的障碍更大。对于马克思思想来说，另一个障碍是俄国在经济上很落后，这一点相当程度上推迟了发展大规模工业而产生大量资本家和在大城市中出现工业无产阶级。对于发展工人阶级斗争的另一个不小的障碍是民主的缺乏，这使得发展任何政党都变得不可能，也没有组织合法大规模组织的自由或出版自由。
Added to this was the fact that due to her backwardness Russia retained until about the end of the last century more pronounced traces of a primitive village communism than were to be found anywhere in Europe. Due to these factors, socialist ideas in Russia continued to bear pre-Marxian characteristics for a longer period than in the West. The Russian fighters for liberty and equality inherited socialist tendencies from Western Europe. It was natural for them to see the power for a socialist regeneration of czarist Russia not in the numerically weak city workers but in the great masses of the peasantry. Moreover, the city workers themselves came largely from the village, the bulk of them remaining peasant in their thinking and feeling.
2，还有个事实是由于俄国的落后，直到19世纪末，还有不少原始村落共产主义的痕迹，而这些痕迹在欧洲其他地方已经消失了。由于这些因素，俄国的社会主义思想比西方更长时间的停留在前马克思时代。俄国的战士们继承了西欧的社会主义趋势，为自由和平等而战。他们很自然的看到社会主义力量在沙皇俄国的大量农民中再生而不是在弱小的城市工人中再生。更多情况下，城市工人大量来自于农村，他们的思想和感受还停留在农民时期。
The working masses in the cities and the champions of their interests among the intellectuals, namely the students, were influenced much more by the ideas of a peasant socialism than by Marxism. The development of Marxism in Russia came later than in Western Europe, and the growth of its influence upon the Russian city workers was slow and difficult.
3，城市中大量的工人和在知识分子中的工人利益的代言人，例如学生们，受到农民社会主义的影响大过马克思主义的影响。马克思主义在俄国的发展要比在西欧的发展更迟，而马克思主义在俄国城市工人中的影响增长的非常缓慢和困难。
Not until 1898 did the groups who embraced Marxian ideas become sufficiently numerous to venture upon the establishment of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.
4，直到1898年，俄国社会民主工人党才作为一个马克思主义政党被足够多的拥抱马克思主义的组织冒险建立起来。
This was a thoroughly Marxian party and brought forth leaders and thinkers who have enriched mightily Marxian thought not only in Russia but throughout the world.
5，这是一个非常马克思主义的政党，而其中的领导人和思想者不仅为俄国更为世界大大丰富了马克思主义的思考。
Nevertheless, the peculiar conditions prevailing in Russia remained unfavorable for the development of a consistent Marxism. In Germany, too, it made itself felt effectively only with the rise of her heavy industry and after her political constitution had provided ample opportunity for the creation of free working class organizations, a socialist mass literature, as well as the participation of the masses in strikes and electoral battles. In Russia, even after the establishment of the Social Democratic Labor Party, the industrial workers remained relatively small in numbers, while retaining their peasant viewpoint, without any working class consciousness of their own. Added to this was the fact that only a secret press and secret organizations were possible, which, naturally, could not be developed beyond painfully restricted proportions.
6，多多少少的，广泛存在于俄国的特别的局势对马克思主义的发展不利。在德国也是如此，直到重工业兴起和德国宪法提供了创立自由的工人阶级组织的机会和大量的社会主义文学和大规模斗争的参与和选战才使得马克思主义变得有效。在俄国，即使是社会民主工人党成立之后，工人的数量还是很少，而他们还维持着农民思想，并没有工人阶级的意识。还有个事实是只有秘密出版和秘密组织是可能的，很自然的，秘密组织无法超越一定限度的规模。
The conditions unfavorable to the development of Marxian socialism remained. Even many of those who considered themselves Marxists fell victim to these conditions. They interpreted Marxism frequently in a rather fanatical sense. And involuntarily they injected into it in increasing measure ideas of a pre-Marxian, Blanquist or Bakuninist coloration.
7,不适合马克思的社会主义发展的局势一直持续。甚至很多认为自己是马克思主义者的人也成为了这种局势的受害者。他们经常狂热的解读马克思主义，并且他们不由自主的越来越多的插入了前马克思的，布朗基的和巴枯宁的思想。
Outstanding among the Marxists of this character was Vladimir Ulianov, better known as Lenin. He joined the Social Democratic Labor Party at its inception. He accepted its program, having helped formulate it. What first brought him into conflict with the consistent Marxists in the party was the question of party organization. Under the conditions prevailing in czarist Russia this organization was of necessity a secret one. Nevertheless, the intention was to give it a form conducive to the highest possible development of the intellectual and spiritual powers of its members and the promotion of independent thinking among the greatest possible number of the workers. This could be achieved only through closest participation of all party comrades in party work, their intimate contact with the labor movement, i.e. only through the widest possible measure of democracy within the party This was entirely in accord with the ideas of Marx, who at the beginning of the movement regarded democracy less as a means of gaining political power and more as an instrument of education of the masses.
8，在这些马克思主义者中，有一个人非常出众，他是Vladimir Ulianov，以列宁这一名字出名。他在社会民主工人党成立时加入。他接受了党的计划，并帮助制定计划。他和那些一贯坚持马克思主义的人第一次发生冲突是在关于党的组织形式这一问题上。在沙皇俄国的局势下，秘密组织是有优势的和必要的。虽说党的目标是尽可能的发展成员的知识和精神力量和推进尽可能多的工人进行独立思考，这一切只能在所有党内战友们紧密参与党的工作和紧密联系工人运动的基础上实现，但根据马克思主义思想，只有在最广泛的民主的基础上党才能完全参与进去。在运动的开始，民主的含义更多的是教育大众的工具，而不是夺取政权。
The Communist League, which Marx and Engels joined in 1847, was obliged to be a secret organization under the political circumstances then prevailing on the continent of Europe. And such, indeed, it was at the beginning. Such an organization presupposes the vesting of its leadership with dictatorial power. Marx and Engels declined to accept this, however. They joined the League only after it had ceased to be a conspiracy, although it had been obliged to remain a secret organization due to the absence of all freedom of organization. Engels reports about it as follows:
9，马克思和恩格斯在1847年参加的共产主义军团是在欧洲大陆的政治局势下被迫成为一个秘密组织的。当然，这是在一开始的时候。这样一个组织要求授予它的领导者独裁的权力。马克思和恩格斯拒绝接受这一点，然而，他们只在这一组织停止密谋之后加入，虽然它因为组织自由的缺乏而被迫成为秘密组织。恩格斯在下面如此报告：
“The organization of the Communist League itself was entirely democratic, with elected officials, always subject to removal, thereby putting an end to all urge for conspiracy, which requires dictatorship.” (Introduction to K. Marx, The Cologne Trial, Zurich 1885, p.10)
10，共产主义军团这一组织是完全民主的，选举官员，而且总是可以下台的，因此终结了任何对阴谋的需要，而阴谋是需要独裁的。（(Introduction to K. Marx, The Cologne Trial, Zurich 1885, p.10）
The First International of 1864, like its predecessor, the Communist League, was also compelled to maintain secret organizations in some countries. Nevertheless, Marx and Engels fought repeatedly against transforming the International into a conspiratory organization, as Mazzini would have it. Marx won over Mazzini. The first International was organized not dictatorially but democractically. Marx was also opposed to the manner in which the General Workingmen’s Association was organized in Germany in 1863, in which Lassalle wielded dictatorial power. In contrast to the Lassalleans, the Eisenach group under Bebel and Liebknecht, who had Marx’s support, was organized in 1869 democratically. The dictatorial form of organization in Germany gave way to the democratic form.
11，1864年成立的第一国际，就像它的前身共产主义军团一样，在一些国家也被迫成为秘密组织。虽然，马克思和恩格斯反复反对将第一国际转变为密谋组织，但Mazzini 坚持要这么做。马克思胜过了Mazzini 。第一国际不是独裁组织而是民主组织。马克思也反对普通工人联合会这一于1863年在德国成立的组织的架构，因为Lassalle在这一组织中有独裁权力。与Lassalleans相反，由倍倍尔和李卜克内西建立的Eisenach组织在1869年民主的形成，而马克思支持这一组织。在德国，独裁结构让位于民主结构。
Nevertheless, the urge for a conspiratory organization with unlimited dictatorial power for the leader and blind obedience of the members continued to manifest itself wherever the organization had to be a secret one, where the masses did not as yet possess their own movement and where the political organization was regarded not as a means of educating the proletariat to independence but as a means of obtaining political power at one stroke. Not the class struggle but the putsch, the coup d’etat is thus brought into the foreground of interest, and together with this a form of militarist thinking there is carried into the party organization the kind of thinking which relies upon victory in civil war rather than upon intellectual and economic elevation of the masses. The latter are regarded as mere cannon fodder, whose utilization can be made all the easier the more obedient they are to any command, without independent thought and will of their own.
12，虽然，对密谋组织的领导者的无限制独裁权力的要求和成员的盲目服从持续表现它自己，无论这一组织是否必须为秘密组织，而大众还没有发动他们自己的运动，以及政治组织不是用来教育无产阶级独立的而是用来不惜一切代价维持政治权力的。但是，对于这种组织来说，不是阶级斗争，而是政变成了最重要的目标，与此同时军国主义的思想将党组织带入一种思维中：不是依赖提升大众的知识和经济水平，而是依赖在内战中取得胜利以赢得革命。后者就像炮灰一样，采用这一思维可以把党的成员变得更容易服从任何命令，没有独立的思维和意志。
The Social Democracy of Russia was conceived as a democratic organization, in accordance with Marxian principles. But Lenin soon discovered that this was a mistake. He began to demand ever greater powers for the central organ of the party and increasingly circumscribed powers for the membership.
13，俄国的社会民主党的构想是成立一个民主组织，依据马克思的原则。但是列宁很快发现这是一个错误。他开始要求更大的权力以成为党的重要器官，并限制成员的权力。
Paul Axelrod, Vera Zassulitch, Alexander Potresov, Julius Martov and, later, George Plekhanov opposed him. Even Rosa Luxemburg, who was more inclined to side with him in other matters, expressed misgivings on the score of dictatorship which Lenin sought to introduce in the party.
14，Paul Axelrod, Vera Zassulitch, Alexander Potresov, Julius Martov，和后来的George Plekhanov反对他。甚至罗莎卢森堡，她在其他方面和列宁站在同一战线上，当列宁试图将独裁带入党内时她也表示了担忧。
In his pamphlet One Step Forward, Two Steps Back (1904) Lenin went so far as to assert:
15，在他的小册子《前进一步，后退两步》（1904）中列宁走的太远以至于如此宣称：
“Bureaucratism against democracy – that must be the organizational principle of the revolutionary Social-Democracy against the organizational principle of the opportunists.” (p.51.)
16，“官僚主义对抗民主——这必须成为革命的社会民主党的组织原则以对抗机会主义者的组织原则。”
I take the following from a criticism of Lenin by Rosa Luxemburg in Die Neue Zeit (XXII.2). She declared:
17，我从《新时代》(XXII.2)中摘取了罗莎卢森堡对列宁的批评。她说：
“The establishment of centralization in the Social Democracy on the basis of blind obedience, to the very smallest detail, to a central authority, in all matters of party organization and activity; a central authority which does all the thinking, attends to everything and decides everything; a central authority isolating the centre of the party from the surrounding revolutionary milieu-as demanded by Lenin-appears to us as an attempt to transfer mechanically the organizational principles of Blanquist conspiratory workmen’s circles to the Social Democratic mass movement. (p.488, 489.)
18，“在社会民主党中建立基于盲目服从的中心化，一个中心权威在最小的细节上控制了所有的党组织和活动；一个中心化的权威思考一切，参与一切，决定一切；一个中心化的权威将党的中心与周围隔绝，革命性的中心——被列宁命令——试图机械的将布朗基主义的密谋工人圈的组织原则转变为社会民主党的大规模运动的组织原则。(p.488, 489.)”
“Lenin’s ideas are calculated principally to promote control of party activity and not its development, to foster the limitation rather than the growth, the strangulation rather than the solidarity and expansion of the movement.” (p.492.)
19，“列宁的思想总结一下就是推进控制党的活动而不是发展，增强限制而不是增长，绞杀运动而不是团结和扩大运动。”(p.492.)
That was how Rosa Luxemburg characterized Leninism from its very beginning
20，这就是罗莎卢森堡在一开始对列宁主义的评价。
Already in 1904, Rosa Luxemburg discovered that all that dictatorship in the party could accomplish was to stem and stifle the intellectual development of the workers. Yet, it is precisely in the early stages of a labor movement, in which alone a voluntary recognition of the dictatorship of any of its leaders is possible, that the education of the workers to independent thinking and action is far more important than the winning of power by the leaders.
21，早在1904年，罗莎卢森堡就发现所有政党内的独裁只能实现阻止和窒息工人们的知识水平的发展。虽然在劳工运动的早期自愿认可任何政党领导人的独裁是可能的，但对工人们的独立思考和行动的教育比领导者获得权力重要得多。
For this reason, as early as 1904, Rosa Luxemburg perceived Leninism as an element inimical to the higher development of the working class. Naturally, she could not then foresee all the destructive influences it carried within itself.
22，因为上述原因，在1904年，罗莎卢森堡指出列宁主义是一个和更高程度上发展工人阶级这一目标相抵触的元素。很自然的，她不能预见列宁主义所带来的所有破坏性的影响。
In the meantime, at the very beginning of Leninism, another extremely injurious element became apparent side by side with its strangulations and stifling of the movement.
23，与此同时，在列宁主义的一开始，另一种伤害性极大的元素开始随着它对运动的绞杀和窒息一起出现。
Like the God of monotheists, the dictator is a very jealous god. He tolerates no other gods but himself. Those in the party who do not believe in his divine infallibility provoke his fierce hatred. Lenin demanded that the entire working class submit meekly to his leadership. Those in the party who were inclined to show more confidence in other leaders or to defend opinions of their own were regarded by Lenin as the worst possible enemies, to be fought with any and all means.
24，就如同一神教的上帝，独裁者是一个很爱妒忌的神。他不会容忍除了他自己之外的任何神。那些党内不肯相信他的神性的人错误的刺激了他，增强了他的憎恨。列宁命令整个工人阶级忠实的顺服他的领导。那些显示出了超越其他领导者的自信的人，或者那些坚持他们自己的观点的人，被列宁当成最坏的敌人，而这些敌人是需要被以任何方式进行对抗的。
Hence it was impossible for Lenin, as it is impossible for anyone who would be dictator of a party, to work together with comrades who occasionally differed from him. Hence the impossibility of working at all for any length of time on a level of equality with comrades of character and independence of thought.
25，于是列宁不可能，同样对于其他政党内的独裁者来说也不可能和那些和他有少数不同的战友一起工作。同样，也不可能实现任何一段时间内的战友们的平等合作和独立思考。
Whenever dictatorship assumes powers in a party organism, that organism is bound to deteriorate intellectually, for dictatorship either degrades the best elements, compelling them to surrender their independence, or expels them from the party.
26，无论何时独裁成为政党内的有机组成力量，这一有机组成绑定了知识的退化，因为独裁将最好的元素退化了，强迫他们放弃他们的独立性，或者被开除出党。
Dictatorship in the party starts out with the idea of bringing about a split in the party. This is apparent in the very nature of dictatorship. The dictator not only declines to combine his organization with other, independent working class organizations into a higher general organism, but he does not even think of cooperating at least occasionally with other socialist parties against the common enemy. Leninism had hardly begun to manifest itself in the Russian Social Democracy when it brought about a split into Mensheviks and Bolsheviks.
27，政党内的独裁开始促进党内分裂思想的出现。这是独裁的本性。独裁者不仅拒绝将他的组织和其他组织合并，将独立工人组织转变为更大规模的有机体，而且他甚至拒绝思考至少偶尔和其他社会主义政党合作以对抗共同的敌人。列宁主义在俄国社会民主党中几乎没有展现出来，直到党分裂为孟什维克和布尔什维克。
Intellectual impoverishment of its own party, obstruction of the intellectual development of the workers, their weakening by prolonged internecine conflict – these were the consequences of the Leninist party dictatorship even before the Russian Revolution of 1917.
28，他们自己的政党的知识上的贫乏，提升工人们的知识水平的阻碍，持续很久的自相残杀导致的削弱——这些都是列宁主义政党独裁造成的后果，这些后果甚至在1917年的俄国革命之前就已经存在了。
That revolution brought with it a fundamental change in all social and political relations.
29，这场革命带来了在所有社会和政治关系上的根本的改变。
https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch03.htm