原作者：Karl Kautsky（卡尔考茨基，社会民主主义创始人之一）
1. The Origin of Socialism
1，社会主义的起源
What is it that divides the Social Democrats from the Communists? Like the Socialists, they are a working class party. The emancipation of the workers is their common aim.
1，将社会民主主义者和共产主义者（备注：这里的共产主义者，包括下文中的共产主义，都是特指主张先锋队独裁的列宁教主派）区分开来的是什么？就像社会主义者一样，他们都是工人阶级政党。解放工人是他们共同的目标。
There was a time when both had a common theoretical basis. But later a gulf developed between them, which cannot be bridged, however much we may desire and consider this necessary. This gulf arises neither from a misunderstanding nor from a mere difference of opinion.
2，曾经社会民主主义者和共产主义者们都有相同的理论基础。但是之后他们之间产生了隔阂，这隔阂无法被消除，然而这是我们所渴望以及认为很有必要的。这一隔阂并不是因为误解产生，也不只是观点不同。
To realize how absolutely irreconcilable are Communism and Socialism, we must first look into the history of the origin of Socialism. It springs from two roots, one ethical and the other economic. The first emanates from the natural instinct of man, the second from the nature of capitalist society and the position of the workers as a class.
3，为了认识到社会主义和共产主义之间是如何不可调和，我们必须要看看社会主义诞生的历史。社会主义的源泉来自两个方面：道德和经济。道德来自于人类本性，而经济则来自于资本主义社会的本质和工人作为阶级的位置。
The demand “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” advanced by the men of the French Revolution antedates all written history. It reflects the desire of all oppressed, exploited and their friends ever since there have been oppression and exploitation. But this demand merely poses a problem. It does not indicate the road to its solution. What this road should be has been variously conceived, depending upon varied social conditions and the classes who have sought to find it. Only under the capitalist mode of production has the solution of this problem, through the establishment of a democratic social economy of the workers, become possible and necessary. Only through economic research, not through ethical indignation, can this solution be achieved. Certainly it can never be achieved by mere impassioned desire for what, since 1789, has been termed “liberty, equality, fraternity.”
4，法国大革命中的人们要求“自由，平等，博爱”，这早于所有历史记载。这反映了所有被压迫和被剥削的人们和他们的朋友们的渴望，自从这世界有了压迫和剥削开始。但是这一要求也指出了一个问题：它没有指出解决方案。关于解决方案应该是怎样的产生了很多构想，构想本身取决于构想者的不同的社会处境和阶级。只有在资本主义的生产模式下这一问题才有解决方案，而建立一个民主的工人控制的社会经济模式是可能的和必要的（备注：这句话的意思是市场本身是有必要存在的，而公司需要民主的被工人们所控制。）。只有通过经济研究而不是道德愤怒，这一解决方案才能实现。显然这无法通过仅仅充满激情的从1789年开始的对“自由，平等，博爱”的渴望而实现。
All socialist thinkers were rebels against any kind of enslavement and exploitation. But they were also research workers in the domain of economics.
5，所有社会主义思想者都是对任何形式的奴役和剥削的反抗者。但是他们同时也是在经济领域工作的研究者。
The revolt-provoking study of the mass impoverishment generated by capitalist industry gave birth to socialist ideas. It was precisely this impoverishment, however, which by its very frightfulness so held the workers down, that they were frequently rendered incapable of resistance. Whenever some few did revolt, they knew nothing better to do than to destroy machines and burn factories. By such outbursts of indignation they succeeded only in multiplying their own misery.
6，对在资本主义工业中产生的大规模贫困的反抗的令人深省的研究中诞生了社会主义思想。然而，恰恰就是这些吓人的将工人们压制在底层的贫困，是无法被抵抗的。当其中少数人开始反抗时，他们除了砸烂机器和烧毁工厂之外其他什么都不做。这些出于愤怒的爆发最终只是成功的加深了他们的苦难。（备注：这句话的背景是卢德运动，卢德运动因为机器的使用导致工人失业而起）
The early socialists, therefore believed that the working class could not emancipate itself by its own efforts. It was to be emancipated through the efforts of humanitarians, superior to the workers. It soon became clear, however, that little was to be expected from the statesmen and millionaires of the bourgeois world. Side by side with the utopians who relied upon the well meaning bourgeoisie were socialists who perceived that the power necessary for the realization of socialism could come only from the working class itself. But they, too, despaired of the masses. They addressed themselves to the small group of the elite among the working class, those enjoying more favorable conditions than the average worker. Together with professional revolutionists they were to enter into a conspiracy to capture political power, and bring about socialism by means of armed revolt. Finally, there were socialists who, permitting themselves to be deceived by the prospects aroused by the early labor movements, overestimated the numbers and intellectual power of the workers of their period and believed that the working class needed only to bring about democracy, namely, the universal franchise, in order to win immediately the power of government and transform society in line with their desires.
7，因此，早期的社会主义者们认为工人阶级是无法通过自己的努力解放自己的。只有通过那些人道主义者们的努力，那些高过工人们的人，才能解放工人。（备注：这里指那些空想社会主义者）然而，很快事实就清晰的表明那些资产阶级世界的政府官僚和百万富翁们是无法指望的。和那些试图依赖资产阶级的良知的乌托邦主义者们并列的是那些认为社会主义只能通过工人阶级们的努力实现的社会主义者。但是他们也对大众绝望。他们把他们自己称作工人阶级中的小部分先锋，他们比工人们的平均处境要好一些。他们和专业革命者一起进入了一个夺取政治权力的阴谋中，将社会主义带入了武装暴动中。最终，这些承认他们自己被早期劳工运动的激昂前景所欺骗从而高估了工人们的数量和知识的社会主义者们相信工人阶级只是在带来民主，另一个名称是普选权的过程中有用，这是为了能成功夺取政权然后将社会改造成他们所渴望的模样。
All these schools, however they appeared to differ from each other, had this common characteristic: they looked upon the working class as they found it, and sought a means for the immediate “solution of the social question,” i.e. for the immediate abolition of the misery and enslavement of the working class. Every one of these schools criticized severly the other socialists, each perceiving clearly the illusions of the others. Each was right and all succumbed to the criticism of time, which wrecked every one of them.
8，然而，所有这些派别，虽然他们表现的和其他派别不同，但他们有一点是相同的：他们高高在上的俯视者工人阶级，好像工人阶级是他们建立的似的，然后谋求一个能够即时“解决社会问题的办法”，例如立刻终结工人阶级的苦难和奴役。每个在这些派别中的人都会对其他社会主义者严厉批判，每个人都认为对方是在幻想。每个人都是正确的，都屈服于批判，那么他们中间的每个人都会毁灭。（备注：这句话应该是考茨基的讽刺，讽刺他们都认为自己是正确的别人是错误的，但如果他们同时都正确，那么他们中的每个人都不正确。）
Then came Marx and Engels who introduced the idea of development into socialist thought, and perceived the working class not only as it was but also as it was becoming. In their Communist Manifesto they realized that the working class had not yet advanced far enough to achieve immediately its own emancipation and, further, that this could not be achieved through the universal franchise, the efforts of the well-meaning portion of the bourgeoisie, or by the armed action of an advanced guard of energetic conspirators. At the same time they also perceived that through the development of industry the working class would grow in numbers and organization, while gaining constantly in intellectual and moral power. In this way labor would achieve the power to emancipate itself. To be sure it would have to be educated to this. But this education, as Marx and Engels realized, could not be brought about by men who proclaimed themselves .the schoolmasters of the workers, but through the experience of the class struggle, forced upon the wage earners, by the conditions under which, they lived.
9，然后，马克思和恩格斯向社会主义思想中添加了发展的理念，同时觉察出了工人阶级不仅是工人阶级，而且工人阶级也会发生改变。在他们的共产党宣言中，他们意识到工人阶级现在还没有足够先进到直接完成对他们自己的解放，以及这一目标无法通过普选权实现，也无法通过资产阶级发善心实现或者通过有能量的阴谋家们的武装行动实现。同时他们也觉察到随着工业的发展，工人阶级在数量和组织上都会增长，同时得到更多的知识和道德力量。在这一过程中，劳工们将会得到足以实现自我解放的力量。但要实现这一点，他们必须被教育。但是这一教育，就像马克思和恩格斯所意识到的，无法被那些宣称他们自己的人所带来（备注：这里指那些自称自己是工人先锋的人）。劳工们的老师是阶级斗争中的经验，被强加“打工仔”身份的人从他们的生活环境中学习。
The-more the class struggle proceeds in a democratic environment, all other things being equal, i.e. in an environment of universal education, freedom of press and organization and of universal suffrage, the greater its educational influence. Long before the instruments of democracy become the means for acquisition of power by the workers, they constituted the means of its education in the task not only of how to attain power but also of how to keep it and apply it successfully in the building of a higher social order.
10，阶级斗争在民主环境下持续的越久，其他事情也会变得平等，例如在一个实现普遍免费教育，出版自由，组织自由，普选权的环境中，教育的影响就会越来越大。在民主这一工具成为工人获得力量的渠道之前，构成教育的内容不仅是如何获取权力，而且还有如何维持权力以及如何成功建立一个更好的社会秩序。
As Marx and Engels saw it, the task for Socialists was not to bring about the immediate solution of “the social question” and the realization of socialism, but, first, to support the workers in the class struggle, to help it understand the nature of capitalist society, its power relationships and processes of production, and promote the organization of Labor.
11，就像马克思和恩格斯所看到的，社会主义者的任务不是带来一个对于“社会问题”的即时解决方案或社会主义觉悟，而是首先在阶级斗争中支持工人，并帮助他们理解资本主义社会的本质，资本主义社会中的权力关系和生产进程，以及推进劳工组织。（备注：这里隐藏了一个前提：政治民主，因为在极权独裁下独裁政权会压制一切阶级斗争运动，以及破坏独立组织。所以在极权独裁下，社会主义者的首要任务是推翻独裁建立民主，当然这其中阶级斗争会成为一种重要的辅助力量。）
Proceeding from this point of view, Marx and Engels sought to bring about the union of all elements participating in the class struggle for the liberation of the working class into a strong mass party. Before their arrival upon the scene, each of the various socialist leaders and thinkers had put forward their own distinct method for the solution of the social question and opposed all other socialists who would follow other methods. So it had come about that socialism had served only to divide the working class. Marx and Engels tried to unite it, not to add a Marxian sect to those already in the field.
12，在这一观点上，马克思和恩格斯更进一步，去寻求将所有参与阶级斗争的元素联合起来以形成一个解放工人的大型政党。在他们带来这一切之前，每个不同的社会主义领导人和思想者将他们自己的方案当成解决社会问题的方案，同时反对任何追随其他方案的社会主义者们。结果就是，社会主义只起到了分裂工人阶级的作用。马克思和恩格斯试图去联合社会主义，而不是在这里面添加一个马克思主义派别。
We find emphasis of this already in the Communist Manifesto (1847). Speaking to their adherents, who called themselves communists, Marx and Engels said:
13，我们看到这一重点早就在共产党宣言（1847）中了，对那些自称共产主义着的信徒们，马克思和恩格斯说：
“The communists do not constitute a separate party, distinct from other working class parties.”
14，“共产主义者们不会去组成一个和其他工人阶级政党所分离的政党。”
They demanded only that their adherents within the working class parties strive to develop “in advance of the rest of the masses of the proletariat an understanding of the conditions, the process and the general consequences of the movement of the proletariat.”
15，他们要求他们的信徒们在工人阶级政党内努力发展“帮助多数无产阶级们理解他们的处境，以及无产阶级运动的进展和普遍成果。”
Their actions were in line with this idea, as for example in the First International, which had very few Marxists but plenty of Proudhonists and, later, also Blanquists as well as British trade unionists, who knew little of socialism.
16，他们的行动在这一思想的范围内，例如在第一国际中，马克思主义者很少而普鲁东主义者（备注：普鲁东是无政府主义者）很多，此后布朗基主义者（备注：布朗基是巴黎公社议会主席）也加入了，英国的工团主义者们也加入了，而他们几乎不了解社会主义。（备注：工团主义是无政府主义的分支之一）
Marx and Engels understood well how to bring about a firm union between the world of socialist ideas and the labor movement. All truly working class parties of our time, which have arisen since the final quarter of the last century to take the place of preceding seas, rest upon this union. As working class parties they fight for the interests of the working class; as Socialist parties they wage the class struggle as a means of emancipation of all the oppressed and exploited, not of the wage earners alone.
17，马克思和恩格斯对于如何联合这世界上的社会主义思想和劳工运动有着很清晰的理解。所有真正的工人阶级政党，那些在19世纪的最后四分之一时间里崛起的政党，都在这一联盟下联合起来了。作为工人阶级政党，他们为了工人阶级的利益而战；作为社会主义政党，他们将阶级斗争的目标变为为了所有被压迫和被剥削的人民的解放而战，而不仅仅是为了打工仔。
The Socialist parties fight not only for shorter working hours and higher wages, unemployment insurance and shop councils, but also for the liberty, equality, fraternity of all human beings, regardless of race, color or creed.
18，社会主义政党不仅只为了缩短工时，提高工资，失业保险和商店议会而战，而是为了所有人类的自由，平等，和博爱而战，无论他们的种族（备注：从种族和肤色并列来看，这里的种族应当指的是民族），肤色或信仰是什么。
Such Socialist parties are bringing about the realization of Marxist ideas even when they themselves are not conscious of them. Every place where the capitalist mode of production exists, with few exceptions, they have been irresistibly on the march since the end of the last century.
19，这样的社会主义政党带来了对马克思主义思想的认识，即使他们自己并没有意识到这一点。每一个资本主义生产模式存在的地方，几乎毫无例外的，他们从19世纪末开始在斗争中变得势不可挡。
原始链接：https://www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1930s/demvscom/ch01.htm